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Why the Government’s New Towns strategy is likely to fail

In March, the Government provided an update on its New Towns strategy following its response to the New Towns Taskforce report of September 2025. But there is a major unanswered question: how will the infrastructure needed to support these New Towns actually be financed?

The Infrastructure Challenge

Roads, rail, utilities, schools and other infrastructure must be built before homes are occupied, creating a substantial financing challenge. It has been estimated that the infrastructure cost per New Town of 10,000 homes is in the region of £4bn. Some of the New Towns are expected to have more than 40,000 homes, which will drive up infrastructure costs considerably. Furthermore, infrastructure often has to be delivered at a larger scale to generate a positive net present value for the project. My own estimates (from assessing projects across city-regions where demand for housing is high) indicate upfront infrastructure costs are likely to be between £4bn-£13bn.

Although there has been no specific announcement on how the Government is planning on funding and financing the seven announced New Towns, it did announce its infrastructure strategy in June 2025. This implies the use of a mixture of Government grants, as set out in the Spending Review, alongside Public Financial Institutions such as the National Housing Bank (NHB).

The core problem for any Government trying to fund infrastructure is to solve for the “maturity mismatch problem”, and to do it without damaging the public finances. New Towns require billions of pounds of investment upfront, but many of the revenues they generate only arrive over decades.

Various solutions to this problem have been successfully deployed since the 19th century, when public corporations issued long term debt backed by identified hypothecated cash flows to pay back the bond holders.

A Proven Financing Model

For example, 40-year bonds were issued by the Metropolitan Board of Works to finance Bazalgette’s sewer system for London. The Central Electricity Board in the 1920s issued debt at similar maturities to pay for the National Grid. The post-war New Towns borrowed at 40-year maturities from the Public Works Loan Board during the 1950s and 1960s.

This method has been copied widely across Europe since. The Oresund Bridge linking Denmark and Sweden issued debt with a payback period of 50 years, building out between 1995 and 2000. When Paris embarked upon the Grand Paris Express (a major project to improve public transport and open up new areas for housing) in 2010, they issued debt of up to 40 years.

In all these cases, the infrastructure was delivered swiftly and bondholders were paid back from long term hypothecated revenue streams. Typical revenue streams include land value capture from selling plots with planning permission, business rates and revenue from car parks, affordable housing, transport and utilities.

This approach also improves the public finances. It delivers infrastructure (which is vital to boosting productivity growth) while not placing any claims on future tax revenues. Instead, because these projects generate their own long-term revenues, they can repay the borrowing that was required to build them. This reduces the need to issue sovereign debt, maintaining lower government borrowing costs for current government expenditure.

Why the Government’s Strategy Falls Short

Despite the successful use of this mechanism to build large swathes of the UK’s infrastructure, governments since 1992 have pushed for a combination of government grants in conjunction with loans and subsidies to enable private projects to get off the ground. But this approach struggles to solve for the “maturity mismatch problem” (where projects have high short-term costs with longer term revenue streams) – hence the Rachel Reeves’s decision to propose a Public Private Partnership for New Towns. This approach will come up against significant barriers.

First, the increased capital investment earmarked in the 2025 Spending Review for Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government (MHCLG) and Department for Transport (DfT) already appears to already be allocated: the bulk of the additional MHCLG grant will support the Social and Affordable Homes Programme while £15.6 billion has been allocated to transport for Northern elected mayors. Hence, it is highly unlikely to be allocated to New Towns.

Second, there is very limited fiscal headroom for the Government to issue more gilts. With Government debt to GDP close to 95%, gilt investors are increasingly wary of further issuance given the declining demand for gilts. This is one reason why gilts have become so volatile in the face of external shocks – and also explains why so few European governments use this approach for infrastructure.

Third, although the Government’s Infrastructure Strategy allocated £16bn of financial capacity to the NHB (a mixture of loans, equity and guarantees) the Treasury’s own forecast for the use of Financial Transactions (Table B4) from now until 2029-30 indicates MHCLG will only use £5.4bn of capacity, while the Department for Transport will use none. The Government only expects to use a third of the capacity of the NHB. This will also mean the amount of private sector capital that can be crowded in will be significantly lower, and insufficient to allow a PPP approach to work. There is also little evidence that similar arrangements through Private Finance Initiatives have delivered good value for money in the past.

The current approach is therefore wholly unsuited to delivering the upfront public infrastructure the New Towns need if they are to be successful. There is not sufficient grant funding available, and the Government’s public private partnership (PPP) does not work at scale by the Treasury’s own admission. Where the PPP approach can work is for small-scale private projects that need a government subsidy to get off the ground. An example is the redevelopment of Brent Cross, where the developer was provided with a £100m subsidised loan alongside a £500m grant and a £140m Homes England loan to enable more than 6,000 new homes. But it would not work for 40,000 homes.

A Better Way Forward

This is why a group of investors managing about £2 trillion in assets wrote to Rachel Reeves in February, expressing their interest in buying public corporation debt to pay for New Towns including along the OxCam arc. These bonds provide good returns for investors, will help drive productivity growth, and place less pressure on the public finances, as they are self-funding.

Yet rather than doing what has worked well elsewhere, and in the UK in the past, the stated approach will struggle to scale, place greater pressure on the public finances and keep gilts volatile during periods of stress. Unless the financing model changes, the Government risks repeating a familiar pattern: ambitious plans that never achieve the scale originally promised.

This article is reproduced here with the kind permission of the Bennett School of Public Policy, on whose website an original version appeared in April 2026.

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Spatial Development Strategies are a critical part of the Government’s planning reforms – but why?

A key part of the Government’s growth mission is reform of the planning system. Two years since the Labour Party set this out in the Manifesto, we now have a major new Planning and Infrastructure Act and a complete rewrite of the National Planning Policy Framework, heralding a new approach to plan-making and a standardised approach to decision-making policies.

A System Without Plans

Over the last 15 years we have had a plan-led system in name only.  We currently have less than 25% up to date local plans in England, with no certainty for developers and investors around where development should be located, or for local communities around how their areas will change over time.  To fix the system the Government is bringing back a two-tier approach to plan-making with the introduction of Spatial Development Strategies (SDS), which will sit above local plans.

When Minister Matthew Pennycook introduced the new system of SDS last year, he made it clear that these must not be ‘big local plans’ and had to act as ‘spatial investment frameworks’.  Framing these in a positive light, being enablers of good growth and not restrictive planning documents, is a necessary part of their implementation – but what does this mean in practice?

A Framework for Growth

Over the last 15 years, since the abolition of regional spatial strategies, all the political, financial and technical risk in planning decisions has been at the local authority level. Bringing back a two-tier plan-making system and separate governance arrangements for SDS will hopefully help fix this.  Most of the heavy lifting will now be done through the SDS system. They will have to provide a long term framework for growth, setting out a spatial strategy for transforming places over a 20 to 30 year period and an investable pipeline of infrastructure. They will have to provide a spatial articulation of local growth plans and their economic priorities, allocate housing targets to each local planning authority, identify where Green Belt reviews are needed through local plans, prioritise strategic infrastructure and determine where strategic growth areas should be, which may include new towns in some areas.

Unlocking Investment

Vitally, the new strategic planning system will have to help rebuild investor confidence if we are going to deliver the infrastructure we need to support growth and the right type of housing we need to solve the housing crisis. We can no longer rely on the public sector to foot the bill and developer contributions will only go so far.  We need a different investment model and that means different investors. Institutional investors have made it clear that they are willing partners in this, but they want the new system to be up and running, providing more stable conditions for them to support the delivery of development and infrastructure.

We are seeing this start to play out in areas with Mayoral Authorities and with the support of Homes England Strategic Place Partnerships. Sites that have been unviable for years are now becoming a realistic possibility. Alongside the new funding regime, we also now have the English Devolution and Community Empowerment Act which brings with it significant new planning tools to support delivery of the priorities set out in SDS. For the first time in years, we will have strategic plans where there is a direct relationship between those preparing the plan and those delivering them, as a result of a much greater role in planning for Mayors. This can only be a positive boost for investor confidence in these areas.

Not all places will benefit equally, however. The more mature the devolved arrangements are, the more the Strategic Planning Authority will be able to directly influence delivery.  Those areas that already have Mayoral Authorities are off and running in the race to be the first to get their SDS in place. All going well, within the next 2-3 years we will see the first SDS adopted and very soon after that, the place transformation will begin. 

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Lessons from our history: Britain must build places, not units

There is a growing consensus that something has fundamentally gone wrong at all levels with housing in Britain.  We often search for new approaches and policies to meet society’s needs when in fact we should instead look at our history for the solutions.

The Labour Government understands that the housing market is dysfunctional, that housing supply for decades has been inadequate and is rightly appalled at inheriting a situation where there are over 300,000 people, including more than 170,000 children, in all forms of temporary accommodation.  In this context, the response to set an ambitious target of 1.5 million new homes over 5 years is appropriate.  I am, however, concerned that even with a record £39 billion committed to the affordable housing programme, this will not produce anywhere near enough truly affordable homes, and in particular, the right kind of social rent homes to meet the crushing levels of housing need.

My worry is that in a drive to hit house building targets we lose sight of something of enormous importance, and that is the need to create communities where people want to live and want to put down roots.

This is where looking at our history becomes so important. During the inter-war years of the early twentieth century, and then in the post second world war period, pioneering planners and local authorities in Britain, despite the most challenging of circumstances, created garden cities and new towns that have stood the test of time.

The Dagenham and Rainham constituency that I represent contains much of the Becontree housing estate started in the 1920s. The planners of the London County Council had the foresight to adopt much of the thinking that inspired the earlier garden city movement. Building 2, 3 and 4 bedroom houses with gardens, in an area where parks and other green public spaces were created, gave life changing conditions for families moving from slum tenement blocks in east London.  

The housing supply of the last decade or two has been driven, predominately, by the targeting of numbers and by building viability arguments from developers. This has resulted in the over-supply of 1-bedroom flats and a nearly complete absence of 4-bedroom properties.

Instead, we must treat building as a part of place making. We must consider nurturing sustainable communities which are more balanced, incorporating the essential social and transport infrastructure needed to support new and existing communities.

That would also mean changing the housing mix in terms of tenure and house sizes and to build sufficient numbers of homes suitable for families. It would mean building specific accommodation for elderly people designed to promote and extend independent living. This would in fact save revenue spending on social care and demands on health services.

I strongly suspect that this model of housing development would not just have greater longevity than the high-rise apartment block estates do, but would engender much higher levels of wellbeing, with all of the positive social and health outcome benefits that flow from it.

It would also not surprise me if this approach reduces opposition from existing communities to new housing schemes.  This would also save planning expenses and time, and give a greater feeling of ownership and of being done by, rather than done to.

As a nation we did this before and did so in even more financially challenging times. Not only that, but those places and homes have stood the test of time.

Building for the future means planning neighbourhoods around the flow of life. From having the infrastructure to provide the best start in life, affordable first homes, places to work and socialise, family sized homes for social rent where people can put down roots, to sheltered options where people can grow old in the community they call home.

Only a legacy plan will help us surmount the housing crisis, not a dash for units.

Would you like to write for Red Brick? Email rose.grayston@gmail.com to pitch your piece (c.600-900 words)

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We Need to End National-Grid Lock

There are two existential threats to our country’s future: tackling the climate emergency and fixing Britain’s housing crisis. Future generations will not look kindly on us if we let these two systemic issues run on unresolved for another decade. They might seem like two distinct challenges, but they’re connected by one key piece of infrastructure: the National Grid.

Two Critical Priorities: Housing & Energy

In my hometown of Bracknell, the previous Tory council oversaw anaemic house building. Last year, only 390 houses were built. The situation for social and affordable housing is far worse. From 2017 to 2022, Bracknell Forest built only 8 homes for social rent. Meanwhile, 1,690 families are stuck on the council’s housing waitlist. 1.2 million families are on waiting lists throughout England.

Now, with a Labour council leading Bracknell since the local elections, there is real hope for change. But grappling the housing crisis requires national, as well as local leadership. And with a Tory government crippled by NIMBY activists in its own ranks, it is clear Rishi Sunak has no leadership to give on the issue.

Nationally, Labour has set forth a bold set of proposals to get Britain building, including reforming planning laws and putting an end to so-called “hope value” blocking public procurement.

Energy policy also requires both local and national leadership. Labour has ambitious plans to retrofit and insulate existing housing stock, to make it more energy efficient, and they will create GB Energy, a publicly-owned energy company focused on renewables.

At a local level, it is great to see Labour embracing co-operative and community energy schemes, which will empower communities and drive local economic growth.

Unlocking Grid Capacity

Tackling both climate change and the housing crisis require us to face up to a significant challenge.  The capacity of the National Grid is far too low, and creating new connections takes far too long. Any new house puts increased strain on the electricity grid; only compounded by the transition to electric cars, heat pumps and other green technologies. And new onshore wind farms and solar panels need to be actually connected to the grid if they’re going to help us reach Net Zero by 2050.

John Pettigrew, the Chief Executive of the National Grid, has said that “we will need to build about seven times as much infrastructure in the next seven or eight years than we built in the last 32”. Strategic planners have suggested the grid needs £54 billion of investment to meet green goals.

Housing projects are already being delayed or rejected because of local shortfalls in National Grid connectivity. The National Grid currently operates a first-come-first-served system for connecting new projects, which means any delays have a knock-on effect – and ready-to-go projects are facing years-long delays.

One problem is that expanding the National Grid to build more homes also requires planning permission. And just as house building can attract local controversy, so too can projects to expand the grid. An incoming Labour government needs to be ready for this.

The other major issue is, of course, money. That’s why it’s so welcome to see Labour committing to spend £28 billion on green investment by the mid-point of next parliament. A proportion of that will need to be spent on upgrading the National Grid.

As Keir Starmer said when unveiling Labour’s green agenda, “we’ve got to roll up our sleeves and start building things and run towards the barriers – the planning system, the skills shortages, the investor confidence, the grid.”

Only a Labour Government can show the leadership we need to end a National Grid-lock.


Peter Swallow

Peter Swallow is Chair of Ealing Central and Acton CLP and a researcher at Durham University

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