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Economic evictions – turning a blind eye?

With the abolition of Section 21 “no-fault” eviction notices on 1 May 2026, tenants gained protection from one form of arbitrary eviction: landlords can no longer issue a notice to quit without specific grounds. But economic eviction persists – that is, the ability of landlords to push tenants out with a hefty rent hike.

Housing campaigners warn that this will be the new Section 21: rent hikes issued in revenge for tenant complaints, to increase their income whether the tenant decides to stay or not, or to clear the property to convert into something more lucrative. In fact, rent hikes can achieve tenant clearance with less effort than the modified Ground 6 possession claim needed for redevelopment, which has a high evidence burden (requiring things like architects’ plans, schedule of works, quotations). A rent hike, even when challenged under the measures in the Renters’ Rights Act, can be justified with little more than a screenshot of Rightmove.

Economic eviction after Section 21

Economic eviction is already a visible threat on the 182-household St James estate in Bermondsey. Their corporate landlord, BMR, took over the previously below-market-rent estate in November 2025. Less than six months later – in a pre-Renters Rights Act (RRA) rush – fifty households were issued with Section 21s, thirty of which are working their way through backlogged courts.

Separate but concurrently, many households from the rest of the estate were issued Section 13 rent hikes – again, pre-RRA but with market comparison principles that have survived reform. St James tenants now face rises of several hundreds of pounds per month – costs they can’t afford. Local councillor Andy Bates says the landlord is converting many of the newly vacant houses into lucrative Houses in Multiple Occupation (HMOs), some of which appear to be let as temporary accommodation.

For the Government’s part, Housing Secretary Angela Rayner has said that rent controls are not forthcoming as RRA changes are ‘already having a significant impact on the market’. Similarly, while a Housing, Communities and Local Government Committee report in July recognised that ‘retaliatory rent increases could act as a form of economic eviction’, the authors were also ‘not currently convinced’ that rent stabilisation is justified. The question is: how is the Government going to collect the relevant evidence? The system is not built to track economic evictions.

The limits of rent tribunal data

Previously, under the Assured Shorthold Tenancy regime, arbitrary evictions – for revenge, raising rent, clearing tenants or property conversion – were typically done through Section 21s. There was no Section 21 registration, but trends could be partially tracked by proxy. Ministry of Justice landlord possessions data would reveal “accelerated” Section 21 possession claims (for tenants who overstayed their notice) giving a concrete number to track every quarter. Even these imperfect figures had the power to generate headlines and shape discussion.

Section 21s also appeared in statutory homelessness statistics with their own column: “Threatened with homelessness due to service of valid section 21 notice”. Again, it didn’t capture all tenants forced out by Section 21s, but it offered another spotlight on landlord eviction practices and their homelessness-producing consequences. The changes introduced by the RRA have compromised this evidence without offering an alternative; economic eviction will not have that same quarterly focus. Weak though the previous tracking system was, the data terrain now seems even sparser. 

First-tier Tribunal rulings will go some way to showing the extent and scale of rent hikes. Tribunals allow tenants to challenge rent increases (now for a £47 fee). Rulings are published online and the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government has stated its intention to use them to monitor whether RRA reforms are contributing to ‘fairer outcomes for renters’. Yet this evidence base presents serious limitations for economic evictions.

First, tribunal outcomes only capture cases submitted and judged. Plenty of rent hikes will just force a tenant out quietly without challenge. Rulings also don’t track any subsequent tenant displacement due to unaffordability. In the St James estate, five rulings have so far been published; two were agreed at the maximum rent requested by the landlord and the five households have seen monthly rent rises of between 9% and 43%. Will these tenants be de facto evicted through unaffordability? How will the Government ever know?

Second, tribunals require tenant initiation, but a lack of confidence in the system will prevent many from bothering. The latest English Housing Survey found that 94% of private renters who made a complaint to their landlord or letting agent and found the response unsatisfactory did not then escalate it to an external arbiter. While this data is not about rent tribunal engagement – referring to things like Environmental Health – the reasons are relevant: 35% of renters said they didn’t think anything would be done and 31% said it was too much hassle or too time-consuming. The 22-page First-Tier Tribunal form (the MR1) prompts for detailed text and photographic evidence related to property dimensions, amenities, conditions and market comparisons. Many renters will find it more than just a hassle: St James resident and campaigner Sophie said in a recent podcast we did together that ‘it [the form] literally has tripped up some of our non-fluent English-speaking neighbours’.

Third, tribunal processes pose exposure risks. If tenants wish to make an undue hardship claim in relation to their rent dispute, they must provide evidence. Such information – like benefits status, savings, age, a physical disability or mental health issue – can be publicly commented on in the ruling. Each highly personal detail is associated with the tenant’s name and address. Another disincentive to apply. Another cohort of squeezed tenants not visible in government trackers.

Separately, the annual English Housing Survey asks respondents their reason for leaving a previous tenancy: in 2024-5, a landlord-imposed rent increase was given as the reason for leaving in just 3% of cases. But the EHS is less frequent than quarterly statutory reporting, relies on small sampling, and comes with many of the participation barriers outlined above.

If we don’t track economic eviction, we won’t see it

So, under the new RRA there’s no adequate proxy to track rent stress and economic eviction. The latitude this information gap gifts to landlords will likely hit long-established tenant communities the hardest – communities like St James, where tenants have lived for decades, renting on lower-than-market rent rates.

Statutory data collection around economic evictions won’t help St James residents today – they need funds to fight their evictions through the legal system. But, in the absence of rent controls, tracking economic eviction impacts is desperately needed. The St James experience is only visible through a hard-fought grassroots campaign – a government that chooses to look away will not see the next one.

Jessica Field is a housing writer and author of Eviction: A Social History of Rent (Verso, 2025) – out now in paperback. St James tenants are fighting displacement and calling on their previous landlord, Notting Hill Genesis, to rehouse evicted tenants. You can donate to their fight here.

Would you like to write for Red Brick? Email rose.grayston@gmail.com to pitch your piece (c.600-900 words)

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Housing-led regeneration is the key to unlock hope in left behind communities

“My belief is that your postal code does not determine your worth, value, or capabilities. However, when it feels as though where you call home isn’t worth investing in, people can lose their feeling of connection and their sense of value in ‘place’, subsequently disengaging completely. Through meaningful regeneration, residents in areas in the Gleadless Valley can look across the city and see a real, achievable future before them. A future that, by investing in their roots, can give them hope to grow.”

These are the words of Lara Joyce, Secretary of the Gleadless Valley Resident and Tenants’ Association, taken from the perspectives article she wrote for the Northern Housing Consortium’ s (NHC) Renew inquiry into housing-led regeneration.  

A few weeks ago, Lara showed myself and members of the South Yorkshire Housing Partnership around her local area as part of one of our Renew site visits. Lara shared how the Gleadless Valley was held up as an architectural triumph when it was first built. More recently, however, it has become one of the UK’s 10% most deprived areas. Change has been promised since 2017 but never materialised, leaving residents frustrated and disillusioned. Now, through the efforts of involved residents like Lara working alongside dedicated council officers, trust is slowly being rebuilt, and at last there is hope. At the end of 2025, the ‘Vision for the Valley’ (developed with residents like Lara) was approved by Sheffield City Council. A community-led approach to reporting and managing fly tipping, anti-social behaviour and street maintenance is being rolled out, alongside a new park, signalling change is finally coming. Longer-term plans include over 1,000 new homes, refurbishment of existing properties, and improvements to community amenities and transport, although funding is not yet confirmed for all elements.

On the site visit, Lara told us:

“I want kids from this estate to look across the city and see a real, achievable future before them, a future that, with investment in their roots, can give them hope to grow.”

The wheels are certainly in motion for Lara’s vision to become a reality. However, Lara and the Gleadless Valley residents are not alone. There are lots of other communities in similar situations across the North, and we must make sure no one and nowhere is left behind. 

Why regeneration needs government support

Hearing Prime Minister Andy Burnham talk about regeneration as one of his top priorities offers hope. We have also seen action: additional flexibility in the Social and Affordable Homes Programme (SAHP) to support regeneration, the National Housing Delivery Fund, the Pride in Place initiative, and the Northern Growth Strategy all promise investment in the North’s cities. Deepening devolution through Rewiring of the State should give local leaders more flexibility to address local priorities, and is something the NHC has advocated for consistently for years. 

However, whilst housing-led regeneration undoubtedly brings substantial benefits to local communities and economies, it is extremely challenging to deliver in the North. With lower land values and high remediation costs, many schemes are simply not viable without Government support. Many successful schemes I’ve seen have only gone ahead because social housing providers have pooled multiple funding streams and invested their own funds at levels that just wouldn’t be sustainable on a larger scale.

Our Renew report, Unlocking 500,000 homes in the North, was based on evidence from providers who own or manage 70% of the North’s social housing. We found that in many areas of the North, housing-led regeneration is an essential part of delivering new homes and making sure no one and nowhere is left behind. 

Making existing funding work harder

There are some simple measures the Government can take now to make housing-led regeneration on estates, in town centres and on brownfield land more achievable. The Government has already pledged to give Mayors more control over SAHP funding. Giving Mayors greater flexibility to fund council and social rent homes, through Continuous Market Engagement, without a cap on regeneration activity, will help them address the housing needs in their local area. Specific KPIs for Homes England around regeneration would also help. At the moment, all Homes England’s KPIs are still around new supply, despite it being the Government’s housing and regeneration agency.

An allocation of National Housing Bank funds for housing-led regeneration would help schemes progress. Extending the National Housing Delivery Fund to ten years would also have a significant impact. We estimate this would allow all of the North’s brownfield land to be remediated, unlocking 320,000 new homes.

Whilst these changes would be welcome, ultimately the substantial gap in support for regeneration can only be filled by a dedicated place-based fund. Our Renew inquiry recommends providing northern Mayors and combined authorities with £500m per year for 10 years in devolved, flexible funding as part of integrated settlements where they exist. This would empower Mayors to bridge viability gaps for strategically important schemes, and would significantly increase the capacity of social housing providers to replace or refurbish homes that have reached the end of their lives. Our research suggests this place-based fund would tackle the vast majority of the 100,000 end of life social homes in the North over the next decade. As well as ensuring thousands of people could live in better quality, healthier homes, this would also reduce repair costs and free up capacity to build more new homes.

Our Renew visits over the summer, have highlighted a piecemeal approach to regeneration, where social housing has been transformed but privately owned properties have been left untouched. Even in areas with high concentrations of social housing, privately owned and rented homes are pepper-potted around estates due to Right to Buy. Dedicated flexible funding would make it possible to buy poor quality private homes, including empty homes, and refurbish them into social housing, making a real difference to whole neighbourhoods.

A new National Centre for Regeneration in the North could spearhead investment in capacity, working closely with Mayors and combined authorities to drive forward regeneration and develop a workforce that’s ready to deliver.

Putting communities at the heart of regeneration

In the words of Lara Joyce, if we want regeneration to give people “hope to grow”, getting community engagement right is a must. The Renew site visits have shown the importance of housing providers and other partners working closely with communities, keeping them up to date and listening to and acting on their feedback. In the coming weeks, we have further work planned around community engagement to feed into policy development.

To unlock growth in every postcode and make sure no one and nowhere is left behind, we must act now on housing-led regeneration. It is the only way to make sure everyone has access to a safe, warm, home in a place they’re proud of.

The NHC is leading the Renew inquiry into housing-led regeneration for northern growth, supported by Homes for North and Muse. The inquiry is chaired by Lord Richard Best OBE DL and the Renew Westminster Group Chair is Andrew Cooper MP.

Would you like to write for Red Brick? Email rose.grayston@gmail.com to pitch your piece (c.600-900 words)

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More council homes, lower bills, stronger communities: Cambridge’s approach to building better

When people talk about sustainable housing, they generally focus on the physical structures. During my career as an architect, and now as part of Cambridge City Council’s Labour administration following the May 2026 elections, I have developed a broader vision of what counts as sustainable, looking beyond the building itself to ask how it works within the wider social setting, as a home and not just a house, and as part of a neighbourhood that meets people’s wider needs.

This means taking account of both the built and social environment, providing more than just basic housing, and understanding how a house contributes to the surrounding streetscape. When we build, we are not just assembling structures but weaving new threads into the existing community, and we need to make sure that everyone has the facilities and spaces they need to live sustainable, good lives.

So while my focus in Cambridge is on the quality of our council housing, our planning always takes account of that wider perspective, so that we build homes people want to live in, in attractive neighbourhoods with the amenities they need and good transport links.

We have built many council homes in Cambridge in the last eight years. Initially we had support from a £70 million funding package from our devolution deal with the Cambridgeshire and Peterborough Combined Authority, through which we committed to building 500 new council homes. In those early days, the Council’s focus was almost exclusively on quantity as we worked to hit our target. While we built to standards that were slightly better than national building regulations, the volume of delivery was our primary driver. We completed our 500th council home a year ahead of schedule, and have now built more than 850 new council homes.

We have evolved our approach in recent years. We still want to build at pace, but we also want to build to the highest possible quality. Investing in the fabric of the building was a strategic choice. Although it can increase upfront costs, it directly helps our tenants by bringing down utility bills and improving the comfort of their homes. This is only growing in importance as we experience the consequences of the climate emergency.

As the executive councillor for planning, I was proud to help bring forward our sustainable construction Supplementary Planning Document (SPD). Alongside this, we introduced a sustainable housing guide for our council house programme that aimed for certified Passivhaus standards. This was a highly significant moment, making it clear that we were aiming to build the most energy-efficient homes possible in Cambridge.

Yet, as any local authority knows, we have to constantly balance environmental ambitions with financial reality. We discovered that strict Passivhaus certification was incredibly expensive and financially demanding. Furthermore, Passivhaus design is heavily reliant on orienting and positioning buildings in particular ways. That’s not always possible when you are working with complex, irregular, or difficult urban “infill” sites – the sort we rely on to deliver the density of homes our city  desperately needs.  Recent schemes including Arbury Road and Kings Hedges in North Cambridge relied on the Cam Standard to make them viable.

We have not let this curtail our ambitions. In 2024 we created the “Cam Standard.” This bespoke standard acts as a robust baseline that maintains our commitment to energy efficiency and climate-change resilience, while offering the practical flexibility required for complex urban sites. It is a realistic, scalable stepping stone that ensures all our developments prioritise lowering energy use, with the explicit goal that all proposed council homes will target Net Zero Carbon by 2030.

And now we have the next stage to look forward to. as Cambridge is one of three councils to have secured long-term funding as a strategic partner under the government’s Social and Affordable Housing Programme (SAHP). This funding gives us the certainty we need to plan over a longer horizon and develop the pipeline for building another 1,400 high-quality council homes across our city, with the aim of ensuring 60% of those are available at social rent.

This funding is especially vital given the massive development pressures facing Cambridge. The government is planning major expansions, with a Development Corporation set to oversee significant growth. Our position as a Labour council is clear: we must protect the integrity of council house building and ensure there are genuinely affordable homes for our residents. Through our joint venture with The Hill Group, the Cambridge Investment Partnership (CIP), we aim for 50% of the homes built on our schemes across the city to be council homes. We will be engaging robustly with the incoming Development Corporation to ensure they recognise how vital this 50% target is in a city with such highly priced market homes.

Looking forward, all our new-build sites are fully electric and gas-free, and we want to provide on-site energy generation through PV. At the same time we’re looking at energy storage systems. While current lithium batteries raise environmental and safety concerns, the emergence of sodium batteries offers an exciting, sustainable alternative. Our ultimate goal is to provide “zero-utility-bill” council housing.

They are also designed as “Lifetime Homes” where a young couple can move in and expect to remain for their entire lives. All homes have private outside spaces and are wheelchair accessible, featuring wider doorways and, downstairs toilets. 5% of homes are also built with further adaptations for wheelchair users in mind.

Through our house building programme we have also built five new community centres, seven new parks and play areas, two pre-schools, one library and new shops. We have provided a further £12.2 million of funding to support local schools, parks, sports centres and the NHS.

By building high-quality, adaptable, and community-focused homes, I like to think that we also show private developers what is truly possible. In doing so, we are honouring the deep legacy of our movement. As the great Aneurin Bevan famously observed of post-war housing needs: “While we shall be judged for a year or two by the numbers of houses we built, we shall be judged in ten years by the type of houses we build.”

In Cambridge, as a regular top 10 council house builder, we have delivered on the numbers. Now, through the Cam Standard and our strategic partnership, we are ensuring that the houses we leave behind will stand as a proud legacy of sustainable, inclusive, and fair municipal design for generations to come.

Would you like to write for Red Brick? Email rose.grayston@gmail.com to pitch your piece (c.600-900 words)

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Building the homes Brent needs: In conversation with Cllr Matt Kelcher

Red Brick: First, what does the housing crisis look like for people in Brent?

Matt Kelcher: We have many of the same challenges as other parts of London and the country: fundamentally, we need more housing of all different kinds.

We have more than 30,000 households on the housing waiting list, but it’s important to understand what that means. Only a proportion of those households are in priority need. People further down the list are extremely unlikely ever to receive a council home, however long they wait.

I think councils have to be honest about that. Being on a waiting list can give people the impression that if they sit tight for long enough, eventually they’ll get a home. The reality is that’s just not the way it works with the levels of social housing we have available today. The wait can be decades, and that uncertainty can affect decisions about new jobs, where children go to school and how people plan for the future. At Brent, we’ve set up our Find a place you can afford programme to give local people help now to find a private tenancy, rather than leaving them on a waiting list.

The housing crisis in Brent also goes well beyond the waiting list. We’re a young, incredibly diverse borough with strong family and community ties. A lot of people want to live in the borough where they grew up. They don’t want to move miles and miles away from their parents. But often there just aren’t the homes available for them here – whether that’s social housing, private rented housing, shared ownership or housing to buy.

You see young people with decent jobs who can’t move out of their childhood bedroom, young people who want to get on the housing ladder but can’t, and couples living in a one-bedroom flat who want to have children but can’t find somewhere bigger. If you don’t have somewhere secure that you can call your own, it has huge consequences for the way you live the rest of your life. It puts your life on hold. We want to free people from that by delivering secure homes of all types for everyone.

RB: Tell us about your approach to development. What can a Labour-run council actually do to shape development in a borough where much of the building is done by other organisations?

Brent has had a really good reputation for a long time of being somewhere that proactively welcomes development and the regeneration it brings. We are a rare example of a place in London that is managing to exceed our housing and planning targets.

I think being open and positive about development actually allows you to get more out of developers, not less. Development involves risk. If you’re going to spend months or years developing a scheme, but think there’s a significant chance the council will reject it at the end of the process, you either price that risk into the scheme or decide to invest somewhere else.

Brent has built a reputation as somewhere developers can have a constructive conversation with the council and get a fair hearing. That doesn’t mean saying “yes” to everything. It means being clear about what we want and working with developers to see whether they can deliver it.

That certainty makes Brent a more attractive place to invest. And if more developers want to work here, that creates competition for opportunities. If several major developers want to work with us on a regeneration scheme, they have to compete over what they can offer Brent – social housing, shared ownership, social value and other benefits for the community.

So, I push back against the idea we sometimes hear that being pro-development means being soft on developers. If you’re clear about your priorities, create competition and give people confidence that good schemes can actually get built, you can strengthen the council’s hand.

Shillibeer House on the old bus garage in Alperton is a good example. We worked with the private sector on a development of around 450 homes. Three blocks are private, and the fourth has given us 155 council homes. They look exactly the same as the private homes. People who had spent years in temporary accommodation now have a permanent council home. Some of the people who’ve moved in have made videos sharing their stories and the difference a council home has made to them. We couldn’t have delivered that outcome without being prepared to work in partnership with the private sector.

RB: Labour is now running Brent as a minority administration. How do you maintain that confidence when the council’s political position has changed?

There was inevitably some uncertainty among developers after the election. They wanted to know whether Brent’s political direction had changed. My message to them is very simple: it hasn’t.

We’re still the administration and there’s an enormous amount we continue to do. The Leader, the Cabinet and I are completely aligned about the importance of housing and regeneration, and that gives a clear direction to our officers in the planning department. People often want to come and work here , cut their teeth in the sector in Brent and a lot of them stay a long time, because they have the space to see projects through and make a difference.

But we do need to keep providing that certainty externally – maintaining relationships with developers and Housing Associations, being clear that we want growth and demonstrating that Brent remains somewhere where good development can happen.

Housing has also become more politically contested locally. Opposition parties have campaigned against development of all kinds including social housing, so those of us who believe we need more homes have to be willing to make the argument for them.

I do think attitudes are changing, too. On the planning committee we have had young people come along to speak in favour of housing applications because they wanted the opportunity to find a home in the borough where they were born and raised. The housing crisis is increasingly something people can see in their own families and communities.

RB: How do you make sure Brent is building the right homes to meet all those different kinds of housing need?

You have to manage housing delivery as a portfolio across the borough, rather than judge success by one tenure or the affordable housing percentage on one individual development. Our policy aims for 50% affordable housing across development, with 70% of that total to weighted towards social rent and London Affordable Rent products, as that is our area of greatest need. But that doesn’t mean every individual scheme will deliver exactly 50%. Some will provide less and others can provide 100%. What matters is what we’re securing across the programme as a whole.

So there may be circumstances where a development doesn’t achieve the headline percentage, but what it does provide is more three-bedroom family homes. We have to think about the actual benefit to Brent residents, rather than treating every site as interchangeable.

Sometimes the housing debate gets divided into two camps. There are people who focus on liberalising planning and getting the private sector building more, and others who put the emphasis on delivering more social housing.

I don’t think those ambitions are contradictory. We should make it easier to build more homes, because the fundamental problem is that we have far too few of them. And at the same time, we should be ambitious about delivering social housing and ensuring it remains a permanent and important part of mixed communities. For me, being an activist council means using all the tools and partners available to get the combination of homes our residents actually need.

RB: What could national or London government do to help Brent go further?

If I could make one change to support our social housing ambitions, I would end the Right to Buy in London.

RB editor’s note: The Government took early action to reduce Right to Buy discounts in November 2024. The Social Housing Bill currently going through Parliament would further restrict the Right to Buy, though the Bill stops short of ending the programme in England.

We’re building council housing ourselves. At Church End, for example, we’re delivering 99 new social homes. But when we plan new council housing, we’ve had to make assumptions about how many of those homes could subsequently be lost through Right to Buy.

That matters before a single home has been sold. Council housing requires long-term borrowing and investment. If you know that some of the assets you’re building could subsequently be sold at a discount, that affects the risk, the finances and ultimately how much more housing you can build.

And I don’t think Right to Buy has achieved what it was supposed to achieve in London. It was intended to expand home ownership, but many former council homes have ended up being rented out privately at higher rents or lost to the short lets sector. That means people in Brent have to pay those higher rents, which means they can’t save for a deposit, which means they can’t buy their own homes. Therefore, I believe that in London at least, Right to Buy has completely failed on its own terms. That’s why I’d like to see a London-specific policy, in the same way as Wales has ended it.

There is a more fundamental point too. My grandad lived in the same council flat in Sheffield for his whole life. He had no intention of buying it. Why would he? It was his home for as long as he needed it.

Social housing shouldn’t simply be a residual tenure for somebody who happens to be poor at a particular moment in their life. If somebody moves into a council home when they’re young and struggling, then gets a good job, we shouldn’t suddenly think they earn too much to deserve to live in their home or their community.

Would you like to write for Red Brick? Email rose.grayston@gmail.com to pitch your piece (c.600-900 words)

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How to increase investment in council housing and capitalise on the economic benefits

The Prime Minister has made clear his ambition: to “oversee the biggest council house building programme since the post-war period”. This is a hugely positive step forward for the Government’s housing policy; it marks a generational break with 45 years of housing policy that failed to articulate a clear aim beyond merely maximising overall output – with little regard to affordability for people on low incomes or at risk of homelessness. And, crucially, it will help to capitalise on councils’ knowledge of local housing need, significant land value capture powers, and masterplanning capabilities.  

Yet the decline of council housing was driven not only by housing policy, but by the rise of restrictive fiscal policy that actively constrains government investment in social homes and has pushed Housing Revenue Accounts (HRAs) into existential financial jeopardy. Despite being justified under the guise of ‘fiscal responsibility’, debt-to-GDP spiked sharply during austerity while investment in public assets like social housing collapsed and vital services were cut – demonstrably impoverishing both people and the state.

At the Autumn Budget, to realise its ambitions on council housebuilding, the Government must reconnect political ends with economic means and drive a change in economic consensus that places social housing investment at the centre of national renewal. In an upcoming report on council house building, we argue the Budget marks a clear opportunity for the Government to cancel £31.8bn in HRA debt to unlock councils’ capacity to build, covered in detail here, and do more to bring forward and increase funding – ensuring its fiscal framework supports rather than hinders greater investment in council and social homes.

The financial and economic case for cancelling HRA debt and increasing investment

Modelling commissioned by Shelter and undertaken by Pragmatix sets out an ambitious scenario for the Government to cancel HRA debt and provide the necessary investment to deliver 284,000 social rent homes within a 10-year trajectory – in addition to those already expected to be delivered through the Social and Affordable Homes Programme. Pragmatix estimates that the economic benefits of the policy would outweigh its costs within twenty years, around a decade after the final homes are built. Over the report’s 60-year appraisal period, the modelling estimates a net economic benefit of £141.5 billion, including substantial savings to the public sector from reducing reliance on more expensive forms of housing. Government departments are estimated to save £64.7 billion over the period, including £26.3 billion for the Department for Work and Pensions, while savings to councils from reducing the number of households in temporary accommodation eventually reach £672 million a year.

Cancelling HRA debt is broadly fiscally neutral; the majority of debt is owed to Treasury, meaning it is largely a series of inter-government transfers, involving cancelling debt that the public sector owes to itself.

The fiscal framework should support rather than hinder investment

Within this Parliament, debt cancellation and delivery, as outlined above, is also compliant with the Government’s ‘investment rule’, using around 56% of the current ‘headroom’ as of the OBR’s 2026 spring forecast. While council and social housing is a more-than-worthy use of investment ‘headroom’, this self-imposed restraint on public investment creates artificial trade-offs with other policy areas and reduces the Government’s appetite to increase funding. More flexibility is therefore needed within the fiscal framework to ensure that the long-term economic net benefit of investing in social housing is recognised.

The Government’s fiscal framework disincentivises social housing investment

The narrow and short-term focus of the current fiscal framework discourages social housing investment and hinders the Government’s aim of delivering a council housing revolution. Firstly, the Government’s rolling target (the ‘investment rule’) requires its chosen debt measure to be falling as a share of GDP in the third year of the OBR’s forecast period – but this disregards the longer-term savings and additional revenue social housing generates.

Secondly, the Government’s chosen debt measure – Public Sector Net Financial Liabilities (PSNFL) – fails to value the physical asset created on the Government’s balance sheet when it funds a new social home.

Thirdly, PSNFL creates a two-tier fiscal system that favours social housing delivery through housing associations and for-profit registered providers over public-led social housebuilding from councils and development corporations. Unlike most EU countries that use a general government debt measure, PSNFL includes the entire public sector. It means that our fiscal rules include the debt of our public social housing providers, even though their debts are paid for by rents and other independent income as opposed to taxation or wider government expenditure – i.e. they are classed by the ONS as ‘market producing’.

Finally, because of this public-sector focus in the debt measure, the central government financial asset recorded under PSNFL when investing in council housing (created by loaning money to HRAs via the Public Works Loan Board) is actually netted off by the liability held by the loan recipient (the council or development corporation) in the national accounts. This leaves only the liability on the Government’s balance sheet created from the borrowing it undertook to ‘fund’ the loan. In contrast, liabilities held by private registered providers to pay back loans to central government are excluded from PSNFL, making these loans more fiscally attractive for central government: the asset (the loan) and liability (borrowing to ‘fund’ the loan) held by central government cancel each other out.

The consequences for social and council housebuilding are stark

Rather than seeing good growth and healthy public finances as the outcome of social housing investment, the current framework forces housing policy towards day-to-day spending on housing benefit and expensive temporary accommodation – which flows outwards from the public sector to private landlords. Investment remains far below what is needed:

  • Social and Affordable Homes Programme grant, while welcome, only enables the delivery of 18,000 social rent homes a year on average – we need to deliver 90,000 a year for 10 years to end the housing emergency.
  • Interest rates from the Public Works Loan Board available to HRAs remain far too high with 50-year maturity lending at around 6%.
  • HRAs and public development corporations are excluded from £2.5 billion in 0.1% interest loans recently provided to housing associations and for-profit providers, a distinction that reflects their different treatment within the fiscal framework.

Fiscal reform is needed to support the scaling up of council housing delivery

To deliver its promise of a council housing revolution, the Government must scale up current grant funding and available low-cost finance to much higher levels. In doing so, it must ensure that councils and development corporations, who were the key players of the post-war social housing boom, are empowered to support the Government’s social housing ambition. In an upcoming report later this month, we argue that, if the Government remains committed to not change the current fiscal rules, it should instead exclude HRAs and development corporations from PSNFL. This would finally end central government incentives to limit their borrowing, devolving power to HRAs and development corporations, and support the Government to provide them with the low-cost loans needed to deliver social housing at scale.

Email your councillor today and ask them to add their name to a letter to the chancellor, urging him to knock down the barriers to getting councils social homes again.  https://campaigns.shelter.org.uk/tell-your-cllr-fight-for-social-homes

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How can people who need air conditioning the most afford to run it during heatwaves?

As climate change drives hotter summers, cooling is becoming a public health necessity, not a luxury.

For anyone looking for an answer to this question, the recent Climate Change Committee (CCC) report, titled A Well-Adapted UK and backed up by no less than 1,841 references, is essential reading. Among many other necessary recommendations, it highlights the importance of adapting existing homes to keep them cool in hot weather.

Air conditioning and the cooling hierarchy

How do we do this? Experts at Shade the UK are correct that we need to use a combination of ‘nature-based’, ‘passive design’, and ‘active ventilation and cooling’ measures in the right order. In this cooling hierarchy, a significant and often sufficient amount of cooling can be achieved by simple external shade and good insulation. However, passive measures will not always be sufficient. In some homes, active cooling such as air conditioning (AC) will be needed.

Until recently, we haven’t had a good idea of how much active cooling we might actually need, or how many people currently have AC.

Now, we have a much better indication. According to a recent academic study, published in June of this year, estimates of present-day AC use across the UK vary widely, with figures ranging from 3 per cent to 19 per cent of homes.

Although future trends are uncertain, one conclusion this study comes to is that previous official assumptions about AC uptake “are too narrow, and present ownership is potentially an order of magnitude higher.”

Cooling is also becoming an issue of inequality. As with all energy services, AC ownership and use is fundamentally unequal. Recent evidence shows that some people who are at the most risk from heat in the UK, including older adults, low-income households and many social housing tenants, are less likely to have and use AC. As a result, the side of energy poverty long experienced elsewhere in Europe – summer cooling – has landed in the UK.

Leaving aside the upfront purchase cost, in what follows we want to focus more on the running cost issue. A small AC unit using roughly 1kW for seven hours per day over 30 days would cost around £54.83 in electricity. That might not seem like much, but for those on the lowest incomes, it absolutely is.

A Hot Weather Payment?

In what you might call classical UK fuel poverty policy, energy affordability is driven by three factors: energy prices, the energy efficiency of the home, and low household incomes. The same factors will shape the affordability of running AC and other active cooling measures.

It follows that policy interventions might be required to support lower-income and heat-vulnerable households with the costs of running AC in summer, and especially during heatwaves, when they will be needed most.

One option is for the Government to start thinking about a Hot Weather Payment. This could mirror the current design of the Cold Weather Payment, with some improvements based on previous learnings. The objective would ultimately be to reduce heat-related mortality and morbidity during hot weather.

For example, eligible households could receive a payment for each period of hot weather between 1 May and 31 October. The trigger for this payment could be based on temperature, like the Cold Weather Payment. Another possibility would be to link payments directly to Heat-Health Alerts, ensuring that financial support is automatically triggered when dangerous temperatures are forecast.

Any Hot Weather Payment system would need to make payments in advance of a heatwave, and would also need an eligibility criterion that effectively targets those on low-incomes and most vulnerable to heat-related mortality and morbidity.

To be balanced, there might be alternative ways of achieving the same outcome as a Hot Weather Payment. The CCC is right, but perhaps a little optimistic, to suggest that our future energy system could have enough clean, cheap electricity to make this problem go away without direct financial support. Homes with solar PV could also feasibly generate enough electricity to power an AC unit.

However, we would be wise not to rely on renewable electricity generation and wider energy system reform to meet the potential costs of keeping cool in the more regular 40°C summers of the future.

22 per cent of homes will need AC

Astute readers might have realised that earlier we wrote that until recently we haven’t had a good idea of how much active cooling we might actually need. But now we have estimates of this too.

The recent CCC report states that in future climate conditions of 2°C global warming – which is around what we are heading for – approximately 22 per cent of UK homes will require active cooling, like AC, to cope with overheating. Under more drastic warming scenarios, which are still not impossible, active cooling is required for almost every single home in England.

The exact level of warming we hit is still subject to choices made by us all. But if we assume a minimum of 22 per cent of UK homes will need AC, and that many of these will be lower-income households and/or particularly vulnerable to heat-related harm, the question of how these households will afford to run their AC units when they need to becomes inescapable.

A Hot Weather Payment might not be the best solution. Wider electrification, solar PV, battery storage, and smarter electricity tariffs could instead reduce cooling costs over time. Either way, the time to begin that conversation has clearly come.

Further reading

You can find original research from Matthew Scott at the Chartered Institute of Housing and Mehri Khosravi at the University of East London below:

From building codes to behaviour: Strengthening extreme heat adaptation policy in the United Kingdom – May 2026

Heat Adaptation in the UK: Policy Brief – October 2025

A nation unprepared: Extreme heat and the need for adaptation in the United Kingdom – June 2025

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Building a better private rented sector: A conversation with Edward Benyon

RB: The Labour Government’s Renters’ Rights Act 2025 is one of the biggest changes to England’s private rented sector for generations. How does it change things for you?

Edward: I couldn’t agree more with the abolition of Section 21 – I’ve never used it in all my time at the Benyon Estate and in previous roles – but I don’t think reform has gone far enough on security for tenants.

For me, the legitimate reasons why a landlord might need possession of a property are fairly straightforward: if the tenant is behaving antisocially, if they aren’t paying the rent, if the landlord genuinely wants to move into the property, or if they need to sell it. All of those circumstances still exist under the Renters’ Rights Act. That’s one reason why I don’t think the reforms have gone far enough.

A second reason is that it limits the kinds of tenancies we’re able to offer. People talk about the abolition of Section 21 as though it’s automatically increased tenant security, but I don’t think it’s that simple. Before the Act, if tenants wanted a three-year fixed-term tenancy, we were perfectly happy to offer them because we are a long-term business. Families knew where they were going to live and what rent they were going to pay, so they could plan ahead and have their children settled happily in schools. To me, that’s an important kind of security. We’re no longer able to offer that.

I don’t think the Renters’ Rights Act has changed very much for us in practice, and there’s very little in the Act that worries us. I do have some concerns about how parts of the new system will work. Tenants can challenge rent increases at the First-tier Tribunal, and the increase can be delayed while the case is considered. There are also already long delays in the courts when a landlord has a legitimate reason to regain possession. We’ll have to see how that works out in practice.

What I think is more interesting is where reform goes from here. If you look back before the Housing Act 1988, tenants had a huge amount of security and landlords had very little control. The 1988 reforms swung the pendulum completely the other way. What we should be trying to do now is establish more of a middle ground.

RB: How can we build long-term security into the private rented sector?

Edward: I think the Government should spend less time thinking about what it wants to ban and more time thinking about what it wants to encourage. Suppose landlords had the option of offering ten-year tenancies, and the Government created the right incentives to encourage that model. That could be transformative for families living in the PRS.

Ten years is long enough for a family to build a life. Children can stay in the same school. Parents have certainty. People know where they’re going to be. That starts to feel like genuine housing security.

I think there could be a bargain here between landlords and government. If you’re prepared to commit a home to the private rented sector for the long term and give a family ten years of security, government could give you something in return.

RB: How could policy encourage a better private rented sector?

Edward: Take VAT. At the moment, if you build a house to sell, the development is zero-rated for VAT. You can recover the VAT you’ve paid during construction. Whereas if you’re building or improving property that will remain in the private rented sector, you can’t reclaim that VAT.

The same applies when we’re repairing or improving our existing homes. Whatever the construction cost is, we effectively have to add another 20 per cent because we can’t recover the VAT. I’ve never understood why the tax system treats investment in homes for sale and investment in homes for rent so differently. When you combine that with licensing costs and everything else landlords now have to absorb, investment becomes significantly more expensive.

Now, I fully accept that what I’m about to suggest costs money, and the Treasury’s instinctive answer to that is usually ‘no’. But suppose the Government wanted to encourage much longer private tenancies. One answer would be to say: “If you’re prepared to commit your property to the private rented sector on a genuinely long-term basis, we’ll allow you to reclaim VAT on repairs.”

That would create a real incentive for landlords who want to invest in secure homes for the long term. Landlords would be taking on some risk, because if you were to sell a property with a tenant in place on a long lease, it would typically be worth perhaps 20 or 25 per cent less than if it were vacant. My proposal wouldn’t completely compensate for that reduction in value, but if you’re genuinely a long-term landlord – if your intention is to keep renting that property for decades rather than selling it – it matters much less.

RB: What’s the balance for you between affordability, security and quality in your stock?

Edward: Our day-to-day challenge is creating contemporary living within period properties. People live differently today than they did twenty years ago, and we’ll need to continue adapting our homes to reflect that. Fundamentally, though, we want to keep the portfolio together and continue managing it for the long term.

Our objective isn’t to advertise a property at the absolute highest rent we think somebody might eventually pay. We advertise at a rent we think is fair and achievable because we want somebody to move in quickly, be happy there and stay for as long as possible.

The thing we as a landlord really want to avoid is voids: empty properties cost money. Long-term tenants are good for us. They’re good for the business. They’re good for the community. They’re good for the property.

I sometimes wonder whether that’s one of the differences between long-term landlords and some smaller buy-to-let investors. A private individual may genuinely need to move back into a property, or decide to sell it, or simply change their plans. That’s perfectly understandable. But businesses like ours – and, I suspect, most institutional landlords – don’t want to do those things. We want long-term, stable occupation.

One thing I would add is that successive governments have introduced legislation aimed at dealing with rogue landlords. There are rogue landlords who deserve to be dealt with robustly, but the overwhelming majority of landlords are decent people trying to provide good homes for good tenants. Measures such as Awaab’s Law are absolutely right and we fully support them. I think we’d get much better outcomes if government worked more closely with landlords who are genuinely trying to invest for the long term.

The private rented sector isn’t going away, so let’s work out how to make it better.

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If Andy Burnham is serious about a council housebuilding revolution, what does he need to know about the self-financing settlement for the HRA? 

I was one of the many council housing finance geeks working with councils to influence the self-financing settlement for Housing Revenue Accounts (HRAs) back in 2012.

It was aimed at making council housing finance more accountable and transparent at the local level as well as more business-like and efficient.  The process of moving from a national subsidy system to individual self-financed HRAs was also designed to make the finances sustainable in the long term and allow for growth and investment. 

It was a hard-won deal between tenants, councils and different governments over a number of years that ended up not delivering on its promise from the outset, only to further suffer from a series of policy and financial setbacks in the years following 2012. These have meant that most councils do not have a sustainable HRA – just 14 years after the original settlement.  The sector is now asking the Government to put things right, but there are many options to look at. 

Why self-financing replaced the ‘tenant tax’

Before 2012, HRA revenue finance was tightly controlled at a national level within the HRA Subsidy System.  The key feature was an annual calculation made to capture surpluses generated by most councils through their rents and redistribute them to others whose rental income did not cover their necessary expenditure. Part of the surpluses also went to the Treasury.

This was dubbed the ‘tenant tax’ by tenant groups who campaigned for change in the years running up to the settlement.  They objected to their rents being used to repair homes at the other end of the country when new homes or improvements could have been made in their areas.  Councils also objected to the lack of control and uncertainty inherent in the annual determinations, which left them with no ability to plan long term or manage maintenance over multi-year projects. 

During earlier years of the subsidy system, the Treasury topped up the pot to ensure that basic management and maintenance could be covered by all councils. But as rents increased and assumed expenditure did not, the overall system went into surplus. By 2008 the vast majority of councils were paying into central government, and the Government was making a surplus on council housing. 

This only increased the arguments for a self-financing deal and could have provided for a more generous and sustainable settlement, had it not been for the financial crash and its impact on wider government finances. 

How a sustainable settlement became unsustainable

The deal that was finally offered to councils by the Coalition Government in 2012 meant most councils had to take on additional debt and did not build in any allowance for investment in new homes. These councils had effectively to buy themselves out of the system to compensate the Treasury for its loss of annual income.  Councils therefore took on debt which the Government calculated would be sustainable for them to hold alongside managing their homes. Collectively, councils took on £8 billion of extra net debt. 

This was not an appealing offer to many councillors or tenants, especially where Housing Revenue Accounts started out debt-free, but ultimately, they agreed it was a price worth paying for a more independent future which would allow them the freedom to make local decisions and plan over the long term. 

Unfortunately, the assumptions underpinning the self-financing deal did not last long –Right to Buy was immediately ‘re-invigorated’ and many more sales were made than assumed, reducing the rental income the 2012 debt calculation was predicated on. 

Rent policy was then changed significantly. Instead of increasing steadily by inflation, rents were reduced by 1% in cash terms each year from 2016 to 2020 taking a significant amount of money out of councils’ budgets.   

Alongside that loss of income have been unforeseen drivers of increased costs; the need for increased building and fire safety work and meeting new decent homes and energy efficiency targets, alongside much higher cost inflation than expected.  Whilst councils were always prepared for some ups and downs, these pressures have pushed some to breaking point. There is simply not enough money in the system to allow council housing to be run properly.

Why debt write-off alone won’t solve the problem

Shelter has recently published further analysis on debt in the HRA by Savills which builds on work they did for CIH in 2024 to look at an updated debt settlement.  Savills conclude that “there is little or no capacity to support the ability for local authorities to contribute meaningfully to the government’s target of 1.5million new homes and therefore to enhance the delivery of social rent homes.” Shelter is therefore calling for the write-off of all HRA debt. 

We agree there is an urgent need for HRA debt to be looked at, but councils’ ability to invest in new homes will still be limited by the needs of their existing homes.  Due to different original rent levels, the type and age of the homes they own and the level of housing need in their areas, each local authority is in a very different position now compared to 2012. London and other inner-city authorities are facing significantly increased costs in dealing with building safety and the need for wider regeneration, whilst others have lost more homes through the Right to Buy and lack the land to replace them.    

A new settlement for a new council housebuilding era

We are therefore calling for the Treasury and MHCLG to be tasked jointly with reviewing these issues to facilitate council house building.  The review should meaningfully engage with councils and tenants as well as sector experts at the earliest opportunity to ensure that key stakeholders concerns and aspirations are fully understood and that lessons from the past are learnt. 

It took almost a decade for councils, tenants and the government to develop and agree the principles for the original self-financing settlement. We urge the new administration to start this work urgently so that councils can be placed back onto a sustainable footing to invest in both existing and new homes.  Tenants have already waited long enough.

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The trouble with rent controls

Rent controls are attractive for an obvious reason: when rents are rising rapidly, limiting how much landlords can charge promises immediate relief. However, decades of international experience point to fundamental problems. Attempts to design around these problems create new distortions of their own. Ultimately, while rent controls can change the price some people pay for housing, they fail as a genuine solution because they fail to address why housing is expensive in the first place: scarcity.  

Private rents in England rose by 9% in the year to March 2024, the fastest rate on record. In London, the average private tenant spends around half of their take-home pay renting a one-bed flat. Against this backdrop, it is no surprise that rent control is back on the political agenda. But before policymakers reach for this lever, it is worth looking at how rent control has worked elsewhere in the world.

Rent control policies tend to spring up in places where housing costs become unaffordable for many people. Since World War 1, most countries have tried a version of rent control. Over time, regimes have tended to become more flexible as governments attempt to address some of the unintended consequences of rent control.

When supply shrinks

Analysis of rent control has tended to find that it damages the supply of housing. Partly this happens by discouraging construction, but it falls just as readily through removal of existing stock from the market. However, there is some disagreement about whether this is a fundamental problem of rent control or a problem that can be designed out of the system. Disagreement tends to flow from differing analysis techniques, time periods and metrics, as is the case for research into the supply effects under rent control in Catalonia.

Berlin introduced ‘hard’ rent controls in 2020. Rents were frozen in the city at 2019 levels for five years, with maximum rents set, per metre square, depending on location and amenities. Rents in the city did fall, but so too did the number of housing options.

Rental advertisements halved, from 600 per week before the announcement to 300 per week following the policy’s implementation. The number of properties that were converted from rental to owner-occupied, increased from 12,700 in 2019 to 19,200 in 2020. Overall, the construction of new dwellings declined by 14% in Berlin over the same period, while across the rest of Germany construction increased by 5%.

San Francisco’s rent control policy, introduced in 1979, was ‘softer.’ To mitigate the damage to supply, rent controls only applied to buildings that existed when the controls were introduced and it was possible to reset the rent after tenancy. In 1994, rent control was extended to smaller landlords, meaning that small rentals built before 1980 were now covered by controls, and all after weren’t.

Facing a lower return than the uncontrolled market, landlords converted their units to homeownership or redeveloped buildings to create new units exempt from rent control. As a result, the rental supply in San Francisco dropped dramatically. Overall, landlords reduced the supply of rentals by 15%. Restrictions on redevelopment have tried to stop this but were found merely to result in building deterioration and abandonment as rents failed to keep up with maintenance costs.

Rent control breaks the usual link between income and housing choice, in which people weigh space, location and amenities against what they can pay. This gives incumbent tenants greater security and less pressure to move. For supporters, that’s a good thing as it prevents gentrification. But it also means tenants have every reason to stay put even when their needs change. An empty-nester keeps the three-bed flat; a growing family doubles up in bedrooms rather than lose their discounted rent. Glaeser and Luttmer found that about 21% of New York renters live in apartments that have more or fewer rooms than they’d chose in a city without rent control.

Who benefits?

Rent control policies often end up doing the opposite of what their supporters want. This is because rent controls tend to be introduced where the market is hottest – which usually means the most desirable parts of a city. As in Berlin, richer residents tended to live in these expensive, high-amenity locations. Predictably, Berlin’s rent control benefited richer households over poorer households.  

That’s because rent control is not a needs-based welfare policy. When price no longer decides who gets a home, something else must. In Oslo, landlords would request specific characteristics like gender, age, religious affiliation, or services that tenants would provide themselves, such as renovation and garden work, snow clearing, or baby-sitting. Elsewhere, it’s simply your position in a queue: first-come-first-served.

In the 1970s, Nat Sherman, a tobacconist that produced hand-rolled cigars, gold-tipped cigarettes and $800 custom-made pipes, paid $355 a month for his six-room Central Park West rent-controlled apartment he’d had for nearly four decades. His response, when asked if it was fair, was that as he used the apartment so little the rent was reasonable. He spent about half the year in Florida.

These inequalities become baked in. In New York, controlled apartments are inheritable goods. Family members that have been living in the apartment as their primary residence for at least two years can take over the tenancy. While in Sweden, controlled tenancies are treated as individual assets. Rental contracts are sometimes bundled into property sales to reduce the headline price – effectively treating rent-controlled apartments as currency.

The rent control hydra

Supporters of rent control freely admit that the policy’s history is rife with bad outcomes. But they say that’s because it’s never been designed properly. Exceptions, licencing schemes, additional regulations and price-pegging measures are offered as sensible remedies to past design failures. But we have already seen that these fixes create more problems than they solve. In this way, rent control is a hydra.

None of this makes the people who reach for rent control wrong to be angry. The housing crisis is worsening people’s lives. But the core of the issue is scarcity. Rent control can’t prevent housing being scarce, no matter how many times the design is refined. The only thing we can do to address this fundamental problem is to build more homes where people want to live and invest in the success of other cities and places outside London, so that supply rises and demand is spread more evenly around the country.

Jenevieve Treadwell is a Policy Fellow at the London School of Economics’ School of Public Policy. Follow her work here.

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Housing-led regeneration in Rotherham town centre is essential to improve opportunities, health and quality of life

The regeneration of Rotherham town centre is one of the top priorities that residents set for us. Like many places, residents here have greeted the decline of the high street, the withdrawal of major shopping brands and decaying public realm with a foreboding sense of permanent decline.

In our case, the downward trajectory probably started earlier than for many others, with our neighbouring centres at Meadowhall, the out-of-town centre at Parkgate, Barnsley, Doncaster, Sheffield and Worksop town centre all within easy driving distance of many of our residents – and this was even before Amazon arrived.

The Council has been successful in securing significant central Government investment over recent years, strengthening the interventions that the Council has been able to make. We’ve brought cinema back into Rotherham for the first time in thirty years as part of our flagship Forge Island leisure development. Our markets complex is undergoing a £40+ million redevelopment, which will also bring our central library back into the heart of the town. Our public spaces are being upgraded, our events programme boosted, and we’re putting in place additional support for traders and local businesses.

Rebuilding the Town Centre Community

But making all that investment sustainable requires more people to live in and around our town centre – in what we’ve begun to call our town centre community.

Our town centre is already home to approximately 3,500 people. Incomes are relatively modest, households are younger than the borough average, and most households live in private or social rented accommodation.

The introduction of additional residential accommodation is a key component in supporting the continued diversification and long-term vitality of the town centre. Increasing the resident population within the centre will help to generate sustained footfall and local expenditure, which are widely recognised as key factors in supporting the viability of high streets and town centres.

A greater level of town centre living will also contribute to activity beyond traditional trading hours, helping to support the evening economy and a broader mix of uses, including leisure, food and beverage, and community services. This in turn supports a more resilient and vibrant town centre, reducing reliance on traditional retail and aligning with national trends which identify housing-led regeneration as a key driver in the revitalisation of town centres.

Why Council Leadership Matters

In 2023, the Council built the first new affordable homes in decades in the town centre. This Council investment has delivered 171 new homes across three Council-owned sites at key gateways to the town centre.

The focus of this investment was to deliver mixed tenure communities – and whilst the majority of these homes were for council rent or Shared Ownership (forming part of our wider commitment to the delivery of new council homes), we also delivered a small number of homes for private market sale.

The delivery of Council-led housing in Rotherham town centre has required overcoming a number of challenges, including development viability in a relatively low-value market, the complexity of bringing forward brownfield sites, and the need to create a new residential market within a traditionally retail-focused centre. Success has depended on significant public sector investment, strong project management and complementary investment in leisure, culture and public realm to create an attractive and sustainable place to live.

Without the Council taking on the risks associated with site assembly, viability gaps and placemaking, much of the town centre residential offer that now exists would be unlikely to have come forward through the market alone. The market wasn’t failing because nobody wanted regeneration. It was failing because nobody could take the first step.

The Next Phase of Regeneration

Rotherham town centre is now entering a new phase of transformation, with significant opportunities emerging through the delivery of the Town Centre Masterplan and the Council’s programme of Strategic Sites. Building on substantial public sector investment already made across the town centre, the focus is now shifting towards creating an even stronger residential offer that complements new employment, leisure and cultural opportunities. It’s an approach that also helps to reduce the pressure on green belt development, given our National Planning Policy Framework housing delivery target has effectively been doubled.

A key driver of future growth will be the proposed Rotherham Gateway mainline station and the wider regeneration corridor that surrounds it. The station will reconnect Rotherham directly to national rail services, acting as a catalyst for investment, new jobs, commercial development and housing growth. Its strategic location between the town centre and the planned Bassingthorpe Farm development creates a unique opportunity to link a major new residential community with the town centre, supporting demand for new homes and reinforcing the role of the town centre as a key destination for living, working and leisure.

It’s in this context that the work being done by the Northern Housing Consortium’s Renew project is so important. Their recent report found that housing-led regeneration can unlock at least 500,000 good quality homes across the North of England, but only with the right support. In communities like mine, new sustainable housing developments are key to long-term regeneration – not just putting a lick of paint on existing infrastructure. That means that viability gaps will have to be filled. The state must be actively involved if the market is going to be able to deliver. We need advocates in national Government to fill the gap left by the last Government.

For Rotherham, investment in the town centre is not just a vital place-based regeneration programme, but also a catalyst for improving opportunities, health and quality of life across the surrounding neighbourhoods.

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