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Blog Post Renters' Rights Act

Designing rent controls for England

Today, 2.4 million households in the UK private rented sector are struggling to pay their rent. With the war in Iran pushing up mortgage rates again, affordability will worsen unless government intervenes.

The Renters’ Rights Act is a major step towards a fairer rental sector, but it does not address the cost of renting. IPPR is calling for a national rent stabilisation scheme as the logical next step.

Other levers to lower costs matter but they are either too expensive or cannot ease the pressure quickly enough. New supply takes years to build and longer still to lower rents. Social housing is vital, but delivery is slow and only reaches a fraction of private renters. Increasing welfare provision for renters would be extortionate – 70 per cent of struggling renters currently claim no support for their housing.

Government has been uneasy about rent controls because their history is littered with cases – New York, Berlin, Massachusetts, Stockholm – where poorly designed systems have had negative consequences. But these examples obscure milder rent controls adopted across Europe, some of which have been in place for decades. France, Spain, Ireland, and Scotland’s revised scheme show that risks can be managed.

We recommend that rents should be ‘double-locked’, linked to wages and the Consumer Price Index (CPI), applied nationally, both within and between tenancies. This must be accompanied by exemptions for new-builds, expansion of support to meet new quality standards, and regulation on short-term lets. 

Not any rent control scheme will do, and our proposal tackles the key concerns that critics point to head-on: reduced supply; property quality; new housebuilding; inequality; and mobility.

Supply

The most common criticism of rent controls is that by limiting landlord profits, they reduce the supply of rental properties. At a time when vacancy rates are already low, a sudden contraction in supply would place even greater pressure on renters. 

This risk can be mitigated through a system that allows rents to rise broadly in line with prices. The aim is not to freeze rents, but to create a more stable and predictable path over time. The double-lock mechanism recognises that indexing to inflation alone leaves renters exposed to inflationary shocks, like Iran. Equally, a system linked only to wages does not allow a gradual closing of the gap between income and rents.

International examples also highlight the importance of preventing landlords from converting their properties. We therefore recommend a licensing scheme, like in Scotland or Wales, and a hard cap on the number of nights a property can be rented out short-term each year, like London.

Even under a mild rent stabilisation scheme some landlords will see lower returns, but recent analysis from JRF shows that most landlords still make substantial profits alongside long-term capital gains. When landlords do sell up, the government must strengthen the wider housing safety net.

Property quality

Controlling rents can remove the incentive for landlords to invest in their properties, but the government’s Decent Homes Standard and Minimum Energy Efficiency Standards will still safeguard quality. In fact, rent stabilisation directly addresses the risk of “renovictions” where landlords pass unaffordable renovation costs to tenants. There is not a single international example of energy efficiency standards being implemented without some form of rent control.

The Warm Homes Plan already includes some support for landlords struggling with compliance, but there is potential to expand this provision. Beyond minimum standards, limited exemptions for significant renovations – such as those in place in Paris – can help support high-quality housing stock.

New housebuilding

Only 8 per cent of new homes are built for rent but perception matters: even limited regulation can raise concerns about investor confidence.

Exempting new-build properties for a limited-time can help reduce this risk and doesn’t disadvantage struggling renters, as new-builds tend to serve the higher end of the market. Compared to other markets the UK rental market remains lightly regulated, and countries such as France and Spain demonstrate that strong housebuilding pipelines are possible with robust rent controls in place.

Finally, policymakers shouldn’t stick their heads in the sand about the already faltering housebuilding pipeline. A more active role for government is already needed to deliver housebuilding at the scale required.

Inequality and mobility

Rent controls have been known to create divisions between tenants benefitting from rent controls and those who don’t, which in turn can create disincentives to move. While London faces the most acute pressures, unaffordability is a problem for renters across the country. In the North East – where rental unaffordability is the lowest – 18 per cent of people are still facing high housing costs.

Implementing controls nationally prevents rent increases outside the controlled area as well as protecting from local government volatility. Applying controls for both sitting and new tenants reduces the disincentive to move out of a rent-controlled property.

Rebalancing power in the rental market

The cost of living is the public’s number one concern, and housing is people’s number one expenditure. Rent controls – if designed well – have the potential to directly tackle affordability and should be firmly on the table for any government making a serious offer for renters.

Would you like to write for Red Brick? Email rose.grayston@gmail.com to pitch your piece (c.600-900 words)

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Blog Post Renters' Rights Act

Renters’ Rights Act lays the foundations of housing justice for private renters

On 26th October 2022, I received a Section 21 ‘no fault’ eviction notice. That meant my partner and I had two months to find a new flat. Three unsuccessful offers, six weeks, a lot of stress and a 40% increase in our monthly costs later, we managed to move into a new place in the same neighbourhood in time for Christmas. It was a grim, expensive experience.

Frankly though, my partner and I could take it. We had some savings, jobs flexible enough to allow us to go to flat viewings at little notice, and enough income to swallow the bitter pill of rapidly escalating rents.

Most private renters are less able to absorb this shock than we were. Almost half have no savings. The private rented sector (PRS) is now home to 1 in 4 of households with children in England, up from 1 in 10 in 2003/04. By 2040, over 2 million pensioners are projected to be renting from a private landlord. Many private renters can’t drop everything to hunt for a new flat because of work, caring responsibilities and health problems. Those with children in school or nursery have less choice over where they can move without disrupting their families. Many people simply want to stay in the community they know and where they feel at home. The need to stabilise life in the PRS is clear and urgent.

The Renters’ Rights Act 2025 is the biggest win for renters in a generation. It is a reset after decades in which England built one of the least regulated private rented sectors in Western Europe. As of 1st May 2026, Section 21 ‘no fault’ evictions are gone. That will curtail opportunities for rogue landlords to use ‘revenge evictions’, where renters who ask for repairs or complain about poor conditions are simply turfed out. Landlords will need to give a reason before evicting people – for example because they are selling the property or moving into it themselves. In these cases, renters will now get four months rather than two to find a new place to live. Given intense pressures in many local housing markets and a social housing system stretched to breaking point, having to move will continue to be a struggle. But those extra two months will be a lifeline for many. They will give renters more time, more choice, and more power.

Other changes will also help rebalance the scales in renters’ favour. Landlords will only be able to put up rent once a year, cannot demand large upfront payments, and cannot invite or accept bids above the asking rent, to name only a few. The Act is a reset after decades of unusually aggressive deregulation. The Housing Act 1988 made short-term tenancies and ‘no fault’ evictions the norm, helping create one of Western Europe’s least secure private rental markets.

But the single biggest problem for private renters remains: it is really, really expensive. Under new rules coming into force on Friday, renters will have a legal route to challenge rent hikes above market rates. Since the biggest rent increases happen when renters move between tenancies, fewer moves should also provide some protection. But none of this helps with the reality that market rates themselves are already unaffordable for many. Britain still needs far more homes, including social housing. But even a major housebuilding push would take years to ease rental pressures. Millions of renters need relief now – not in a decade or more’s time.

It’s no surprise that think tanks, charities, campaigners and tenants’ unions are now calling for different forms of rent regulation to cool or reduce rents over shorter timescales. These range from caps on how rents can rise within tenancies, to full rent freezes between tenancies, to measures to reduce rents from current highs by linking them to reference rents based on local incomes and housing conditions. Others continue the long-running campaign to increase Local Housing Allowance (housing benefit for the PRS) so that it covers the costs of renting. We need a plan to make life affordable for renters, and I hope that Red Brick can be a space for the left to share different ideas and evidence.

But we shouldn’t let this debate distract from what a huge achievement the Renters’ Rights Act is. It lays the foundations of housing justice for private renters. It will allow us to plan our lives, address problems in our homes without fear of eviction, and is likely to mean fewer moves and fewer rent hikes. That is a good place from which to plan our next steps.

Would you like to write for Red Brick? Email rose.grayston@gmail.com to pitch your piece (c.600-900 words)