It was a good headline for the housing minister in the Daily Mail the day before Remembrance Sunday. It’s just a shame there wasn’t a bit more action to go with the press release.
Ex-service men and women frequently face housing problems when leaving the forces. Salaries for the majority aren’t high enough to save for a mortgage and social housing is in short supply. In the past that’s seen very high numbers of ex-service personnel sleeping rough. In the mid-90s the Royal British Legion estimated that 20% of London’s single homeless populations were former service men and women. They estimate that there are still 1,100 on the streets now.
The government’s measures won’t help them and won’t help those leaving the services that much either.
The minister proposes to ‘issue guidance’ to councils to prioritise former service men and women in their social housing allocations. Unfortunately, it’s not a problem that’s going to be solved by Grant Shapps producing a piece of paper.
Councils can already prioritise ex-service personnel for social housing. Labour run Manchester for example does. Who knows whether more will on the basis of the minister’s missive?
The government also propose to put ex-service personnel at the top of the ‘First-Buy’ queue – the government’s low-cost homeownership scheme. Given that the starting pay of a soldier is a bit over £17,000 and even a sergeant gets around £33,000, there are going to be many that can’t get a mortgage even for shared ownership. It also depends what their job prospects will be like – will the 11,000 the government is making redundant find jobs to pay a mortgage in a flat-lining economy?
Our former soldiers and sailors are likely to find themselves in the same position as many others in need – benefits that don’t meet the costs of rent, an unregulated and expensive private rented sector, long housing waiting lists and no long-term security when they do get a social home.
The affordable homes alliance Housing Voice has launched its National Inquiry into the affordable homes crisis and will hold its first regional hearing at Exeter University on 9 December.
The aim of the Inquiry is to gather the views of civil society through oral
hearings, submitted evidence and an online survey. It aims to publish its report
around May next year.
Housing Voice is supported by Citizens Advice, CDS Co-operatives, Child Poverty Action Group (CPAG), National Housing Federation, National Union of Students (NUS), Sitra – the charity for supported people, TUC and UNISON.
Chaired by Lord Whitty, Housing Voice aims to champion the need for more affordable homes to buy or rent. With the shortfall in housing projected to be 750,000 by 2025, the average house price more than 8 times the average salary, more than one 1.6 million households on waiting lists, the average age of a first time buyer being 37 and rents in the private rented sector continuing to grow faster than incomes in many parts of the country, Housing Voice believes NOW is the time to tackle the affordable housing crisis.
For information about supporting organisations, how to submit evidence and the regional
evidence sessions, go to the website at http://www.housingvoice.co.uk There is also an online survey.
Roxy Come Home
Albert Square is the only place in London where the housing market appears to be stable and there is a plentiful supply of homes for anyone separating from a partner or being kicked out of their last place. Phil Mitchell and Ian Beale appear able to buy homes in the Square at will, normally with the relevant amount of cash.
The show normally prides itself on its ‘gritty realism’ and its research into controversial topics, trying to get the facts right, and frequently advertises help lines when distressing stories are being broadcast – for example, around the cot death of Ronnie Mitchell’s son James or Whitney Dean being forced into prostitution.
However they never seem to concern themselves with housing. Last week no help lines were advertised when Janine illegally evicted Roxy with no sign of a legal procedure, just walking in and removing her stuff. In previous weeks, the landlady attempted forcible entry and clearly harassed poor Roxy and her small child. Parents might also be perturbed at the rather cavalier way a children’s officer took Roxy’s daughter off her and gave her into the care of Jack Branning under what was said to be a Temporary Residence Order. Shades of Cathy Come Home.
When we talk about rogue landlords we would do well to keep Janine Butcher in our mind. Not that Roxy deserves much sympathy, having done similar things to previous tenants of her own before she squandered her inheritance from her Dad, the beautifully evil Archie Mitchell. (It’s also a mystery as to why Janine refers to Roxy as a Chav when her Dad was a successful rich criminal who lived in a very large house on the south coast before moving in with Peggy, but I’ve gone off at a tangent).
Another recent storyline, involving young squatters, seemed well out of touch with reality as the property seemed to be transformed magically into a care home of some sort, by an amazing stroke of luck the squatters got to live there (I admit I may have missed an episode and misunderstood something here, or I may have happened upon the E20 spin-off, but the same principles apply).
Unfortunately, Walford Council is never much help. They do not appear to have a housing advice or tenancy relations service, and it looks like the CAB has never made it to Walford either. The council only ever appears in a bad light, run either by corrupt or otherwise unhelpful and stupidly bureaucratic officials with the single policy of doing whatever annoys the residents of the square. I do have a distant memory of one storyline when (I think) Michelle Fowler went off to work in the housing allocations department of the council, where there were strange goings-on. It didn’t end well.
So, here’s a plea to EastEnders producers and the BBC. When there is an illegal eviction, please remember that this is an experience many people in this country have every day. And just as you do for other difficult storylines, putting Helpline information on the screen at the end of the show is the minimum you could do.
It would be even better if a charming Housing Officer come along to prevent the eviction, accompanied by a Police Officer willing to make an arrest.
The build up to HRA reform
Monimbo
With self-financing for council housing just 139 days away we can expect a plethora of reports and advice to councils on what they can do to maximise the benefits. The latest has been produced by Navigant for London Councils, which adds to an earlier one by PwC for the Smith Institute. CIH has been producing bulletins for members and has teamed up with CIPFA to create an online resource on self-financing. What are they all saying?
As everyone knows, the big prize from self-financing is that councils get to control their rental incomes for the first time (or, at least, for the first time in recent memory). PwC emphasises the magnitude of this by assessing the total income as being more than £300bn over the next thirty years, though of course the real figure could be very different from this.
However, as everyone also knows, the big snag is the cap that will be imposed on each council’s borrowing, which will vary in its effects: some councils will have very little ‘headroom’ above the cap for extra borrowing on top of the new level of debt they have to service, others will have quite a lot.
For the first time, there are real political decisions to be made about setting rents and using the revenue they generate. Not surprisingly, this is also causing real tensions. First, do you put rents up to maximise income and borrowing, or do you keep them down to reflect tenants’ difficult financial circumstances, particularly those who pay rents from their own incomes? There is no formula that can give an answer to that conundrum and each council will have to decide for itself, hopefully in full consultation with tenants.
The second tension is how to spend the spare cash. There are multiple choices here too:
completing decent homes programmes where there is still a shortfall, doing works to improve the security of and amenities in estates, starting to make the stock energy-efficient through retrofit programmes and – of course – new build.
A common feature of all the advice being published is that the key to maximising resources is creative asset management. Until now, council haven’t had the same incentives to manage their assets constructively as housing associations have had, and there are still limitations on what they can do, but for example it might make sense to demolish some stock that is no longer in the highest demand and is costly to improve. It is also going to be vital to reconfigure planned maintenance programmes so that they take account of the need to radically improve energy efficiency, factoring in outside resources such as the Green Deal.
These are demanding tasks, and the key question is whether or not the resources expected to be available from April onwards will be enough to satisfactorily manage and maintain existing assets, before even contemplating new build.
The London Councils report suggests that some boroughs (the public document doesn’t say which) will struggle to balance their business plans, ie. both meet the new debt costs and effectively invest in and maintain their assets. Most, though, will have some headroom, limited of course by the cap.
What is clear though from the various reports is that no one has yet come up with an idea for adding to councils’ resources beyond the basic options that have always applied, which are:
- fully use the funding you will have in the self-financed HRA – including potentially build new homes with grant from the HCA if you are willing to go for ‘affordable’ rents
- lever more funds into the existing stock through PFI
- transfer the stock
- use land and other assets to bring in affordable housing through other routes, mainly via housing associations.
Even the new options for ALMOs, which I blogged about in June, involve transfer, albeit to a community-led body and maintaining a close link to the local authority. The London Councils report suggests transfer as an option, too, but focuses on the merits of using it for parts of the stock – either good stock that will bring in some money, or poor stock that will remove a liability. But will partial transfer be attractive either to councils or to tenants?
My conclusion from reviewing this material is that the choices largely remain as they were when the current self-financing deal was put on the table. Given that the government (like
the previous one) insists on sticking to the current borrowing rules, the options for bringing in resources that are ‘off balance sheet’ are essentially the same ones, with their respective pros and cons.
Councils without ALMOs are well-advised to concentrate on making the most of what they have already got, and be as well prepared as possible to finalise and start to implement their business plans when the final debt levels are known in the New Year. For councils
with ALMOs the advice is the same, but those who are planning to close their ALMO down should be aware that – whatever the other arguments – they are foregoing options that just might be attractive once self-financing gets underway.
Terry Edis MBE – a tribute
Richard Crossley writes
Tenants and many others are mourning the death last week of Terry Edis following a period of illness.
I first met Terry several years ago in his role as chair of the National Federation of Tenant Management Organisations (NFTMO). I was struck not only by his by his knowledge of tenant management, his passion for tenant control and his eloquence, but also by the warmth of his personality and his sense of humour.
It was in the late 1980s when Terry, a life-long social housing tenant, attended a residents’ association meeting to complain about the poor heating in his tower block. His concern about the decline of the neighbourhood and the poor housing conditions he and his neighbours had to endure, led him to get more involved in taking action to get things done.
He helped found the Burrowes Street Tenant Management Organisation and was elected
its first chairperson. Through hard work and organisation the tenants of that estate, led by Terry, turned it round to be a well-run well-managed estate with a range of community activities. Terry went on to become chair of WATMOS Community Homes – the innovative tenant-led housing association that took ownership of the properties managed by 8 TMOs including Burrowes Street.
And not content with that, Terry also became chair of the NFTMO. Under his stewardship
the NFTMO has grown into a respected representative body serving its TMO members well and giving a strong national profile to tenant management.
Terry never tired of wanting to help tenants throughout the country tackle the difficulties in their neighbourhoods. Along with other national tenants’ organisations Terry helped the last government set up the National Tenant Voice, on whose Council Terry served before its abolition by the Coalition Government.
Yet despite his high profile on the national stage, Terry always remained true to his roots in Burrowes Street where he continued to be active even, in recent weeks, from his hospital bed. I shared many a conference platform with Terry, and never tired of hearing him talk about the inspiring tenant-led transformation of that estate, and the community spirit that continues to grow there.
His wife Joan, his family and his friends have suffered a great loss. And the tenant movement has lost a great leader who inspired others with his knowledge, commitment, eloquence, good nature, common sense and, above all, genuine humanity.
Steve Hilditch adds: I only knew Terry for the couple of years we worked together to set up the National Tenant Voice. But he was the inspiration for my belief that it was possible to set up a national organisation that could talk to Government whilst remaining firmly rooted in communities. He never gave up the local job to do the national job. So what he said always carried conviction and was rooted in the daily experiences of tenants on the ground. He was always courteous, invariably insightful, and often very funny. He was the model community activist, showing the world the potential that ordinary people have to achieve great things when given the opportunity. He will be missed by all who knew him.
The funeral service will be held on Thursday 17th November 10am at St Patrick’s Church, Blue Lane East, Walsall, WS2 8HN.
Other tributes to Terry can be found as follows:
NFTMO
The Guardian
24 Dash
Inside Housing
Even 18 months in, this Government’s most commonly-used phrase is ‘the mess we were
left by the last administration’. It’s beginning to wear thin, especially as the imminent new recession is clearly the result of events and actions that have taken place since Cameron entered No 10.
It is no surprise that any good news is not credited to the last Government. And one area where there has been a bit of good news is in annual housing completions. What is absolutely clear is that these are the legacy of Labour and have little if anything to do with Messrs Pickles and Shapps, whatever they say.
The number of social rented homes added to the stock in 2010/11 (therefore started under
Labour) was 39,170 (of which 30,780 were funded through the Homes and Communities Agency), continuing an upward trend that started in 2004. In addition there were 21,460 additional ‘intermediate homes’ including intermediate rent and low cost home ownership. Total additional ‘affordable’ homes topped 60,000 and the mix between social rent and intermediate homes of roughly two-thirds to one-third seems about right when judged against needs.
Of course even this scale of output is not enough, but the trend was in the right direction despite the recession. The Labour Government had realised that the most effective way to get growth in the economy and meet needs in the community at the same time was to boost housing construction. 60% cuts in the programme showed that the Coalition did not share this analysis.
The legacy of this Government in 2015/16 will look very different. They will bust a gut (and housing association finances while they’re at it) to try to keep the total affordable figure as high as possible, but the sub-headings will look very different. The new, mis-named, ‘Affordable Rent’ programme will be there, at rents of up to 80% of market rent and possibly averaging about 65-70% depending on the outcome of the negotiations between associations and the HCA after the intervention of many councils trying to keep rents down.
The figure for ‘social rent’, let within the current ‘target rents’ policy, will inevitably plummet. From the patchy information available, there appear to be virtually no social rented homes in the ‘affordable housing’ contracts awarded by the HCA so far, so new social rent homes will only become available from planning gain schemes, councils building directly, and the few councils who have refused to have anything to do with ‘Affordable Rent’.
The picture on the ground – social rented lettings coming through to homeless people and
people on the waiting list – will be even worse than the new build programme implies. A proportion of social rent lettings (no-one knows how many yet) will be stolen from the social rent pool and put into the ‘Affordable Rent’ pool to help pay for the programme.
The Government will continue to mask the real implications of their policy with bluster. They will use the figures for ‘affordable housing’ and ignore the importance of social rent to people on low incomes and to the policy of encouraging people into work. They will continue to claim that the same people will benefit from ‘Affordable Rent’ as benefit from ‘social rent’ despite the fact that people on the ground know that this just isn’t true in most parts of the country where market rents are high and rising rapidly. To add to the confusion, they will continue to say that ‘Affordable Rent’ is ‘social housing’. Orwell’s Ministry of Truth would be pleased by these efforts.
The debate needs to shift from numbers alone, important though they are, to the genuine affordability of the homes coming out of the programme. The idea being worked on by the London Labour Housing Group, defining a London Living Rent as a benchmark by which to assess whether rents are affordable or not, is attracting a lot of interest. Like the London Living Wage when it started, it would not be a technique for directly controlling rents but a campaigning tool which will have influence over rent-setting policies in the longer term.
The Government, the HCA and the housing associations who have signed up to HCA
contracts remain extremely coy about the rents they will charge for ‘Affordable Rent’ homes – one housing association board member I know says their officers even refuse to tell the board because of HCA confidentiality rules.
But the information will eventually come out and the ‘affordable’ in ‘Affordable Rent’
will be seen to be a complete con. And it will fall to the next Labour Government to deal with ‘the mess we were left by the last administration.’
With most reviews focusing on his relationships and children, I got the wrong impression
of what Ken Livingstone’s autobiography might be like.
The book’s title, ‘You can’t say that’, seemed particularly apt this week when some rather
humourless Tories in Hammersmith got upset when he said they should all be put in prison for their housing policies, adding ‘And if there’s any justice you will burn in hell and your flesh will be flayed for demons for all eternity’. Not noted for Paisley-like fire and brimstone views, and having himself been called every name under the sun by
Tories over the years, you would think even they would be able to spot a little rhetorical flourish. Ken is, after all, ‘wickedly droll and gossipy’ according to publishers. And it wasn’t him that compared the Government’s housing benefit policies to ‘Kosovo-style cleansing’.
The book tells the story of four decades of politics in London and Ken’s dominant part in it. Probably best identified by his maverick role in the Labour Party, his elevation of transport policies to the top of political agendas, his key role in the winning of the Olympics and the memorable way he spoke on behalf of all Londoners after the 7/7 bombings, Ken’s 40 year record in promoting better housing is less well-known.
But it is hugely impressive nonetheless. In Lambeth, in Camden, at the GLC and as Mayor, Ken has consistently supported – and more important, delivered – the building of more genuinely affordable homes, more family homes, and more mixed communities. He has campaigned vigorously against bad landlords and fought to make public housing more responsive to tenants – long before it became the vogue. He believed in proper housing strategies based on evidence and he fought for the resources necessary to implement them.
He became full time Chair of Housing in Camden in the 1970s and says he found it ‘exhilarating to be running something again’. He gives credit to council leaders Frank Dobson and Roy Shaw for finding the resources to support council housebuilding, pointing out that ‘we were building 2,000 new homes a year, at which rate families on the waiting list would all have been rehoused within a decade.’ And his other policy priorities were all about people and not just about courting political popularity: ‘I humanised the way we treated homeless families, cut the number of those in bed and breakfast to under 20 and passed empty homes to a short life housing association.’
Fast forward to his Election as London Mayor in 2000. The most common statement made about housing at the time was that the Mayor had few if any housing powers. But
a combination of the imaginative use of planning powers through the London Plan and genuine leadership brought housing towards the centre of his mayoralty’s achievements. His policies in favour of affordable homes made a huge difference to what was happening on the ground in London, changed the mind set of developers and social housing providers alike, and his ambition for the east end opened up huge opportunities for new homes in new communities in what was virtually a new city – given huge impetus by the winning of the Olympics.
Towards the end of his administration, before the forces of darkness took control of London, he tells the story of being summoned to meet Gordon Brown – with whom he had a few rows over the years – shortly after Brown succeeded Tony Blair. The story reflects the ambition of both to invest in new homes, to create jobs and to get growth through construction. He says: ‘Brown planned to build 3m new homes by ending Blair’s ban on building council houses. Giving me £5bn to build 50,000 homes and the power to draw up London’s Housing Strategy and decide where to build meant that this would be London’s biggest housing programme since the 1970s. Now I could stop boroughs agreeing housing schemes which had no affordable housing in them and insist on an increase in three- four- and five bedroom homes to 40 per cent of the total.’
Ambitious yet practical. Principled yet pragmatic. Housing policies that worked for the poorest but also worked for ordinary Londoners in all tenures. Understanding London’s needs and making London’s case at every available opportunity. And the occasional colourful phrase (rather like his opponent). Ken deserves to run London again and to end the complacency about housing that symbolises the Johnson years. And for people wanting a better idea about what makes Ken tick, the book’s not a bad read.
Ken Livingstone, ‘You can’t say that’, published by Faber and Faber
The Tories like to keep their traditional supporters content. So when they are doing things that cause upset (eg no referendum on Europe) they find it necessary to have a countervailing policy that will please the Mail and the Telegraph. Unfortunately Eric Pickles and Iain Duncan Smith seem to be particularly adept at coming up with policies that fit the bill. To get a few cheap tabloid headlines people deemed to be dependent on benefits are often the target, and so are social tenants.
I think this is where the policy to criminalise squatting comes in. Squatting is not a huge issue in this country – in fact the Government cannot even estimate the size of the problem – and existing laws seem perfectly adequate to deal with abuse. It’s the failure to
implement them that seems to be the problem.
But the Government sees a chance to stimulate the juices of Tory supporters by tackling the supposedly ‘soft-touch’ laws that allow decent people’s homes to be taken over by people who have no respect for property rights. And they’re probably foreigners to boot – like in the Mail splash story of the Latvian who travelled 1,500 miles to squat a £6m mansion.
Enter Ken Clarke, pushing through an amendment to his Legal Aid etc Bill which will
criminalise all residential squatting with punishments of up to a year in jail or a £5,000 fine. The homelessness charities have expressed alarm and see squatting largely as a symptom of the worsening housing crisis, mostly done by people who have no alternative other than to sleep rough with all its attendant problems.
Virtually all the respondents to the Government’s consultation on squatting were against the change, arguing that existing powers were adequate. The Law Society, the Criminal Bar Association and the Met all supported the position that the Government should focus on enforcing the current laws rather than creating a new offence.
In its briefing, Crisis said: ‘Whilst we of course have every sympathy with someone whose home is squatted, under the current law it is already a criminal offence for a squatter to refuse to leave someone’s home or a home that they are about to move in to. The new amendment will therefore largely affect empty homes, of which there are over 700,000 in England alone, including many that are dilapidated and abandoned.’
After the Government rushed its new squatting clause into the Legal Aid etc Bill, ameliorating amendments were put down to the effect that the new offence would not be committed if the property has been empty for six months or the squatter is a previously homeless person. On November 1 the key amendment, tabled by John McDonnell MP, attracted only 23 votes, mainly Labour and a few LibDems. The Labour front bench supported criminalisation but wanted better consideration of the Government’s clause, therefore abstained, and the 300 votes against were all Coalition members.
During his speech, John McDonnell said: ‘Everyone in the House has to support evidence-based policy making. From all the evidence and information to hand, including from the Government’s own consultation and impact assessment, we must conclude that there is no evidence of a problem on any significant scale, that there is conjecture that it exists and that in the judgment of practitioners—not just the advocates, but the law enforcers—the existing law is sufficient.’
‘I have looked at the statistics cycle over the past five years and found that, on average, between 650,000 and 700,000 residential properties stood empty during that time. Most are private properties, and 300,000 have been empty for more than six months. When there are 40,000 homeless families, 4,000 people sleeping rough in the capital, and 1.7 million households on waiting lists, desperate for decent accommodation, it is immoral that private owners should be allowed to let their properties stand empty for so long. My amendment could force those irresponsible owners to bring their properties back into use. More importantly, it would mean that desperate people who need a roof over their heads would not be criminalised for resorting to occupying a property that was being wasted by its owner.’
In an interesting contribution, Jeremy Corbyn MP offered some historical context: ‘This country has a long and chequered history when it comes to squatting. It goes back to the Forcible Entry Act 1381, which became law during the Black Death. The issue has arisen time and again during periods of great stress: it arose at the end of the Napoleonic wars, at the end of the first world war and at the end of the second world war, when there was widespread squatting because of a terrible shortage of housing….. The Criminal Law Act 1977… was introduced after a great deal of consultation by the then Labour Government. There was a fair amount of opposition to the legislation, which distinguished specifically between the act of taking someone’s house when that person was occupying it and the act of occupying a property that was being kept empty.’
As a recent post by our guest blogger Monimbo argued, media influence means that politicians bend towards what they think are popular sentiments, which are often simply the views promulgated by the tabloids. I suspect if it wasn’t for the tabloids nobody would be much bothered about squatting, nobody would confuse it with the St Paul’s anti-capitalist encampment or with Dale Farm, and the public would think the current law is balanced and sensible, but that it should be properly enforced. Instead, we are fleeing in
front of an opportunistic display of prejudice and media misinformation yet again.
A better target for media outrage would be Westminster City Council, exposed last week as having kept four properties empty for years at a cost of over £100,000 in lost rent.
Where are Messrs Pickles, Duncan Smith, Shapps and Clarke on that one then?
Second home owners aren't evil
People who own second homes aren’t evil. I agree with the Telegraph on that. If you’ve got the means and can afford a home on the coast, why not? And it would seem perfectly rational behaviour during the last decade as you felt confident that increases in house prices would make your holiday home a decent investment too.
There’s nothing wrong with someone buying a second home, but that doesn’t mean it’s good public policy or that it should be encouraged or subsidised by the government. So, it’s good to see second homes getting the same council tax treatment as any other home. The government proposes to give councils the power to abolish the council tax discounts on second homes, which currently are between 10 and 50 per cent. Of course, it will be up to individual council to take up those powers.
Should a government go further than that and tax second homes at a higher rate, perhaps to reinvest into new housing? That’s a move the Telegraph would definitely call evil and unjust.
But it’s also pretty unjust that there are more 50-59 years olds with a second home (17%), than there are people in their twenties with one home*.
Until we have enough homes the distribution of the homes and who gets access to them matters and not just in the social sector.
(For an unexpected champion of the intergenerational cause, you may want to check this out by Jeremy Paxman in, of all places, the Daily Mail.)
*I feel sure this is right and have written it elsewhere. But I’ve completely lost the source. Any better informed readers than I may like to stick it in the comments. Otherwise, I fear that I’ll have to stop quoting it.
Our regular guest blogger, Monimbo, reflects on Malcolm Dean’s new book ‘Democracy under attack – How the media distort policy and politics’ to be published on 9 November by The Policy Press.
Malcolm Dean, who for many years edited the Guardian Society section and wrote social policy leaders, has a new book out this month about the way the media distort social policy.
Interwoven with the story of policy-making – mainly during the Blair/Brown years – he shows time and again how politicians bent policy towards what they thought were popular sentiments, but often were simply the views promulgated by the tabloids. They sometimes did this even when there was clear evidence of public support for different policies. Regrettably, as the recent excursion of John Humphrys into welfare benefits shows, the malign influence continues, even post-News of the World.
Dean’s chapter on housing is rather different. Here is a story of not-so-benign neglect, as
the media got rid of specialist housing and planning correspondents and consigned housing stories to the business or personal finance pages. We all know why: Britain had become a nation of homeowners, and those who’d failed to jump on the bandwagon weren’t people to whom advertisers wanted to get their message across. If social housing was mentioned at all – and this is a story that goes right up to the recent riots – it was in the context of policy failure not success.
Those of us who work in social housing are rather reconciled to this, and in part are relieved that the sort of hostile attention suffered by social workers is largely avoided by housing officers. But it does mean that government targets and policy changes, with the partial recent exception of the housing benefit cuts, are largely unexamined. One downside is that if the government actually achieves something – for example, Labour’s
near-completion of the decent homes programme, in which a remarkable £37bn was
invested over a decade – it is ignored.
Even more important is that the press simply doesn’t do its job of keeping the government on their toes. Where are the articles pointing to the waste involved if decent homes aren’t maintained after this money was spent on them? Where are the stories about the virtual
extinction of inner city regeneration programmes – barely mentioned even after the riots? Or how can the almost complete silence about policy towards private renting be justified (with the exception of the admirable Dispatches programme)? Homeownership has been
falling since 2004: it has taken rather a long time for the press to catch on. As Dean points out, given that they hardly covered the sale of 2.5m homes under the right to buy, or the transfer of another 1.2m council homes to housing associations, how can they be expected to be up to date?
Now that housing is becoming an unavoidably bigger issue, the press is playing catch-up. But with the exception of one or two reporters like Peter Hetherington, it has few commentators who know about anything more than house prices, mortgages, or doing up your house, at a time when these are of declining relevance. There are several snags to this. One is that affordable rents, Supporting People cuts, ending of tenure security and a host of other crucial policy changes are analysed in Inside Housing but not in the Mail, Telegraph or even perhaps the Guardian. The other is that, despite the effects of the credit crunch, housing issues are still usually looked at only from the single-issue perspective of whether or not they will restore house price inflation.
Labour can’t do much about this, especially in opposition, but can at least try to turn media unawareness to its advantage. There is simply no reason to play the media’s
game of criticising the government for letting house prices stagnate, as shadow minister Jack Dromey did this week. Let’s put this down to early nervousness and hope that the Benn-Dromey team can come up with something more robust.
After all, the government is a sitting target on the real housing issues, without having to blame them for a pause in house-price escalation. And you never know, things might be about to get so bad that the press won’t be able to avoid paying attention.