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Releasing the grip of state control?

<span class="has-inline-color has-accent-color"><strong>by Monimbo</strong></span>
by Monimbo

Senior housing policy expert writing under a pseudonym.

Following my post yesterday on David Cameron’s new compulsory competitive tendering proposals, our guest blogger Monimbo, who also lived through the CCT regime of the 1980s and 1990s, penned these reflections.

Given this government’s restless urge to upend public services, arguing that the ‘grip of state control’ needs to be lessened still further was always likely to lead to more contracting out and privatisation.  Of course, as David Cameron does in the Daily Telegraph of 20 February, this can always be presented as moving away from top-down targets, encouraging diversity, delivering at the lowest possible level and, once again, providing opportunities for the voluntary sector. 

Yet it is pretty clear that the reality of his promised white paper on public service reform will be something remarkably similar to compulsory competitive tendering.  CCT is of course the discredited policy from the 1980s, whose only enduring effect has been to privatise a large swathe of low-paid jobs, such as the very bin collection contracts which on other occasions exercise the mind of the Secretary of State for the Environment.

Cameron now claims that, by reviving CCT:

‘…power will be placed in people’s hands. Professionals will see their discretion restored. There will be more freedom, more choice and more local control.’

To which one can only ask, was he around at the time when this was done before?  Does he really believe that contracting out created more diversity of providers, and more choice?  As far as I recall, the outcome was either that, after an expensive and time-consuming process, the in-house teams won – or, in a few cases, that a big provider like Serco or Capita won instead.  Whatever the virtues of a Serco or a Capita, do they really meet up to the starry-eyed descriptions of services brought closer to the people that Cameron enunciates in the Telegraph?

There are three fundamentals of contracting out of which he seems unaware.  First, there needs to be a contract. As those involved in Housing PFI contracts know only too well, a service specified in mind-boggling detail in a contract is not a flexible service.  Yet miss out the detail and what you will get is not a flexible service but a poor one.  Once contracts are signed, the only flexibility they give is whatever terms can be varied that are already in the contract, at whatever price is specified.  Anything beyond this is likely to be prohibitively expensive.

Second, contracts need to comply with EU procurement rules if they are above the minimum size.  These rules are strict.  The opportunities for including ‘social clauses’ exist, but they are carefully policed by lawyers.  Does Cameron’s view of ‘diversity’ include international firms operating British public services? It may well do, but it’s probably not what his Telegraph readers have in mind.

And finally, of course, this does not reduce bureaucracy, it increases it.  Cameron talks about ‘bureaucracy over-ruling common sense, targets and regulations over-ruling professional discretion.’  As CCT showed, you need more staff to run a service because to administer a complex contract you need a ‘client side’ to ensure that the contractor is doing their job.  Can those on the client side dispense with bureaucracy, targets and regulations? No, they are the essence of any contract. Do they largely have to give up exercising their professional discretion? Yes, because using discretion will cost money that will no longer be available.

Cameron’s vision for public services isn’t a new one.  It’s a recycled policy from the 1980s that didn’t work then and won’t work now.  It may, however, succeed in what many will think is its covert aim: to get people so disenchanted with public services that they opt out, vote for tax cuts and lose all sympathy with public servants.  Taken together with the effects of the spending cuts, that really does look like an objective that he might achieve.

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Cameron’s reforms: quick, count the spoons

<strong><span class="has-inline-color has-accent-color">Steve Hilditch</span></strong>
Steve Hilditch

Founder of Red Brick. Former Head of Policy for Shelter. Select Committee Advisor for Housing and Homelessness. Drafted the first London Mayor’s Housing Strategy under Ken Livingstone. Steve sits on the Editorial Panel of Red Brick.

The louder he talked of his honour, the faster we counted our spoons.’ 

I was reminded of this old idiom when I read David Cameron’s latest outburst on public service reform.  In his Daily Telegraph article, Cameron said:

“We will create a new presumption – backed up by new rights for public service users and a new system of independent adjudication – that public services should be open to a range of providers competing to offer a better service…… This is a transformation: instead of having to justify why it makes sense to introduce competition in some public services – as we are now doing with schools and in the NHS – the state will have to justify why it should ever operate a monopoly.”

There is an obvious contradiction between the localist agenda and Cameron’s new doctrine of ‘compulsory competition’.  Cameron appears to be saying ‘you can do what you like as long as it is what I like, and not otherwise’.  There is to be a White Paper called ‘Open Public Services’.  I assume that means making public services open to anyone to make a few bucks – hence the need to count the spoons.

Competition has been an important element in providing housing services for a long time, especially to deliver hard projects like capital investment, repairs and grounds maintenance, or to deliver IT-based services like some elements of housing benefit.  In many circumstances it is the sensible thing to do.  But not in all, and much less so in the services that are highly focused on people. 

The previous attempt to bring Compulsory Competitive Tendering (CCT) into housing management – under the last Tory government – was an unmitigated disaster and a huge waste of time and money.  CCT was an extraordinarily bureaucratic exercise requiring councils to write hugely detailed specifications of the services they wanted to deliver, and in-house teams to write hugely detailed proposals about how they would go about performing the specification.  Both sides required teams of people including lawyers and accountants (and humble housing consultants) – I know because I did both on behalf of various councils.  The fact that very few housing associations, faced with the same issues but not subject to the regime, chose to put their housing management services out to competition told its own story – they would have done so if it made any sense.

It was – still is – a fledgling market and a few private firms also wasted their time putting in hopeless bids.  Where other providers did win contracts it was invariably where the existing service was failing and the council, often with tenant support, concluded that new providers might help bring about improvements.  Some providers have done well, but that’s not my point.

A lot was written about HM CCT at the time, why compulsory tendering was an ideologically-driven waste of time and money that also held back real service improvement by diverting resources into pointless activities.  Most sensible people think these decisions should be made by landlords and tenants who know their local services.  If Cameron chooses to go down the road of centrally-directed compulsion again it will prove that the Tories don’t learn from history or from their previous mistakes.